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MTEMOIilS 

OF THE 

LIFE 

OF 

THE RIGHT HONORABLE, 



OF 



WILLIAM PITT, 



LATE FIRST LORD OF THE TREASURY, CHANCELLOR OF THE 
EXCHEQUER, &c, 4c. 

COMPilEHENDliVG 

A HISTORY OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS 

DXSRING HIS ADMINISTRATION ; 

And a concise Summary of the brilliant Speeches made in Parliament, 

by this distinguished Orator, on the most 

important Occasions ; 

Interspersed with 

3St0grap!ii'eal Bntitm 

OF HIS 

' PRINCIPAL POLITICAL COTEMPORARIES, 



BY HENRY CLELAND, ESQ. 



ILLUSTRATED VvlTH PORTRAITS 



Vitae est a-vidus, quisquis non vult 
Mundse secum pereunte mod. 

SENECX. 

But yesterday, the word of Csesar might 
Have stood against the woi Id. 

SHAEESPEAREi 



Albion Pw^> 

PRINTED FOR JAMES CUNBEE^ 

ivy Lane, Paternoster-Row. 



1807. 



UA.szz 



PREFACE, 



1 HE utility of biography being sufficiently 
established, that of Statesmen, in times of 
public danger, cannot fail to be highly in- 
teresting. 

If we behold with rapturous awe the dar- 
ing efforts of heroism, or the patient intre- 
pidity of protracted warfare ; if we wonder 
at the means by which vast fleets and ar- 
mies are supported; and regard with cu- 
riosity and admiration, the numerous rami* 
fications of domestic policy : if we see 
Commerce unfurling her sails before the 
breeze in despite of conflicting navies ; and 
Agriculture prosecuting her innocent and 
laborious career, unmindful of the depo- 
pulation which every where surrounds her: 
with what mingled sentiments of pleasure 
and veneration must we regard the hand that 
A 2 



^V PREFACE. 

guides them — that points the course, or 
directs the battle ;— shapes the forms of 
trade ;"guides the plough, or prescribes 
the impost ; that over the extended space 
of empires marshals the order, and pro- 
vides the very lot of humanity ! 

The person to whom this grand and so- 
lemn charge is confided, is not often called 
to repose on a bed of roses. If in time of 
peace, he has the jarring interests of wealth 
^Uid pride, and the disorder of intestine di- 
visions to reconcile and compose ; and 
if in war, all the passions of men ferment- 
ing within, and all the arts of hostility with- 
out, to command and settle, with discerning 
vigilance. 

Yet the pov/er and advantages attendant 
on this first and most important office, sel- 
dom leave the monarch deficient in candi- 
dates for his service, notwithstanding all 
the querulous exclamations of a Wolsey or 
a Colbert. — That power to which all hu- 
man beings, more or less, aspire, and which 
nourishes or destroys a country. 
. In .all these circumstances did the cele- 
brated person of whose life a memoir is 
here about to be given, most eminently ap- 



PREFACE. V 

pear. There is no principle of government 
from Straftbrd to Walpole, or, perhaps ra- 
ther from Pembroke to Chatham, which are 
not illustrated in his administration. And 
when it shall be recollected that during his 
career occurred (not to mention the ac- 
knowledgment of America,) the great 
epocha of the French revolution — a shock 
which threatened and still threatens the 
existence of civilized society ; that there 
were discussed no less topics than: a Reform 
of the British Parliament ; the Government 
of India, including the Trial of Hastings ; 
the Abolition of Slavery ; the Existence of 
a Treasonable Plot; Union with Ireland; 
the Impeachment of his permanent Friend 
and Colleague, besides strong Financial Pro- 
jects, &c. w^ith an opposition composed of 
talents the most respectable, and condition 
the most powerful, existing in a majority at 
the commencement of his career, and scarce- 
ly ending with his martyred life — no mi- 
nister will be found to have experienced 
in the same or a much longer term, such 
baffling and tremendous circumstances^ 
such various and awful contingencies— oh- 
A 3 



VI PREFACE. 

J€cts at once so multifarious and so magnifi- 
cent ! 

The contrast between Mr. Pitt and iiis 
powerful rival will naturally occur ; their 
general principles of government were dia- 
metrically opposite, yet it does not neces- 
sarily follow that either was absolutely 
ivrong or decidedly injurious to their coun- 
try. It may be lamented, rather than won- 
dered at, that the union of two such cha- 
racters was incompatible. In whatever is 
said of them in these pages, they will be 
considered as dictating in their individual 
persons : 

" When you shall these unlucky deeds relate^ 
Speak of me as I am, nothing extenuate, 
Nor set down aught in malice." 

Of the conduct and principles of Mr* 
Pitt, posterity will best judge. Of the pitch 
^f grandeur and spirit to which the British 
empire has arrived, under his conduct and 
those principles, there can be no doubt. 
Whether this be the effect of robust poli- 
tical health or of feverish morbidity, time 
alone c^n determine. We have, however, 
attained to those characteristics of a great 



PREFACE. \li 

people, which cannot leave us during our 
political existence ; and if that should be 
endangered, the reflection of the almost 
divine Burke, at least remains to us — 'Sve 
shall not be destroyed by men of mean or 
secondary capacities." 



LIFE 

OF 
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE 

WILLIAM PITT, 



1 O write the life of William Pitt, would be to de- 
tail the political history of Britain for a long and 
most important period. That will not be expected in 
these pages, whose only aim is to satisfy the public 
curiosity with regard to the extraordinary man whose 
conduct has so long been before their eyes, '' of which 
all Europe talks from side to side." and whose prema* 
ture death has left unfinished a work which will be the 
wonder of succeeding ages. 

In this narrative also, Biography will want nearly 
all her most fascinating charms; in it the minute 
springs of human action are no where to be traced-— 
the numerous incidents which form the lives of other 
public 'men have no existence here; — the moments 
stolen from Wisdom, when learnisg utters solecisms, 
and gravity wit ; the pictured theatre must be ex- 
changed fof the gigantic yet graceful statue ; and the 
quips, and cranks that crown the cheek of Hebe, for 
the decent drapery and various eloquence of the Fo" 
rum. 



10 LIFE OF THE LATE 

In proportion, however, to these deductions from 
the pleasurable qualities of biography, will the present 
work be benefited in a very peculiar manner ; since 
the time of its subject which would otherwise have 
been passed in that intercourse with the world from 
which adventure must be derived, was employed in 
the service of his country, in a way v/hich will enable 
him the ofteuer to speak for himself, and to unfold 
those principles and political motives, so interesting 
in their peculiar nature, in a manner infinitely supe- 
rior to what could be expected from the most correct 
observer of political events, 

William Pitt the second* son of the first Earl 
of Chatham, usually surnamed the great, and, the 
Lady Harriet Grenville, sister to Earl Temple (the 
patron of Wilkes) was born on the 28th of May, 1759. 

Lord Chatham was the youngest sqh ot Robert Pitt, 
ofBoconnock, in Cornwall, Esq. ■% the Lady Char- 
lotte Viiiiers, sister of the Earl of Grandison, in Ire- 
land ; and grandson of Thomas Pilt, -governor of Fort 
George in the East Indies, know^ by the name of 
Diamond Pitt, from a jewel sold by him to the King of 
France for ]50,000/.t His lordship, (to use the words 
of Chesterfieldj) ovved his rise to the most, considera- 
ble posts and power in tins kingdom singly to his own 

*. The elder was John Viscount Pitt, now Earf'^of C!nathani ; 
the younger, James hr.rles, died ^oung. There .were also two 
daughters, Laay Hester, married to the present -Earl SSuh ope ; 
and Harriet. ^ 

f From the same ancestor proceeded Tifomas, created Earl of 
Londonderry, in Ireland ; aud John Pitt, Esq. eirlv de;»_k>ted t* 
the atmy. _/;' ^ 

\ Letters to his son. ..<. / 



WILLIAM PITT. 11 

abilities : he was a younger brother of a very new fa- 
mily, and his fortune only an annuity of one hundred 
pounds a year. 

The army was his original destination, and a cor- 
netcy of horse, his first and only commission in it. 
His constitution refused him the usual pleasures, and 
his genius forbade him the idle dissipation of youth ; 
for so early as the age of sixteen he was the martyr 
of an hereditary gout. He therefore employed the 
leisure which that tedious and painful distemper either 
procured or allowed him in acquiring a great fund of 
premature and useful knowledge. Thus by the unac- 
countable relation of causes and effects, what seemed 
the greatest misfortune of his life was, perhaps, the 
principal cause of its splendor. 

^* He came young mto parliament, and upon that 
great theatre soon equalled the oldest and the ablest 
actors ; his eloquence was of every kind, and he ex- 
celled in the argumentative as well as in the declama- 
tory way : but his invectives were terrible, and uttered 
with such energy of diction, and stern dignity of action 
and countenance, that he intimidated those who were the 
most willinor and the best able to encounter him :"^ their 

o 

arms fell out of their hands, and they shrunk under 
the ascendant which his genius gained over theirs." 

Such is the account of his acute cotemporary, whose 
opinion of political men, or of men of the world, is not 
much to be doubted. His parliamentary interest is 
generally said to have originated in the celebrated 
Duchess of Marlborough, who obtained for him his 



* Hume, Campbell, and Lord Chief Jvutice Manaficld, 



12 LIFE OF THE LATE 

seat to oppose Sir Robert Walpole, and afterwards be- 
queathed liim ten thousand pounds never to accept 
any place in administration, a wish which, however, 
was afterwards not gratified, and of which the nume- 
rous enemies created by his celebrity ilid not fail to 
avail tbeajselves."^ 

Thus the rivalry between the two great statesmen 
which was afterwards to be preserved by their sons 
with such ability, may be conceived to have taken 
rise in the earliest part of each respective career. 
Lord Holland was the ablest el^ve of Sir Robert Wal- 
pole, and against that minister, Mr. Pitt, (afterwards 
Earl of Chatham) poured forth all the torrents of his 
powerful eloquence. 

As Lord Holland had adopted a younger son for the 
purpose of inheriting his parliamentary talents ; or ra- 
ther, perhaps, from the peculiar utility of cultivating 
those in a younger son ; so Lord Chatham early select- 
ed his second son William, and directed his attention 
with that of the best co-adju tors, to his early educa- 
tion. The promise of his opening powers must have 
been highly flattering, since the fond father soon im- 
bibed a strong persuasion that he would one day in- 
crease the glory of the name of Pitt. 

The retirement of Lord Chatham soon after the 
accession of his present Majesty, was highly favourable 
to the early days of Mr. Pitt ; as while yet acquir- 
ing his classical knowledge under a private tutor (the 



* Of the numerous censures in the form of characters, paral- 
lels, &c. which assailed Lord Chatham, from Wilkes to Edmund 
Burke, as wearing the stamp of party, or the enmity of debate, 
j|t is not intended here to take notice. 



WILLIAM PITT. 13 

Rev. Mr. Wi]soi>, since D. D. and canon of Windsor) 
at Burton Pynsent, tlie Eari taught hun to argue with 
logical precision, and to declaim with force and ele- 
gance. Of his lordship's system o^ edscation as well 
as that of his rival, much has been said, but little as- 
certained. Ttiat he accustomed his son to make in- 
quiries respecting every object that attracted his atten- 
tion, and not to be satisfied without sufficient answers 
is but to allow him the character of an intelligent pa- 
rent. It is probable he did much more. It is said, 
that to improve the judgment and memory of his pu- 
pil, lie caused him to render a particular account of 
his studies, his conceptions, and his conduct; after- 
wards of his general opinions ; reasoning with him on 
right and wrong, and inculcating precision of thought, 
aiid accuracy of investigation ; m.aking hun cautious 
in the effusion of his juvenile ideas, and practising ujjoii 
him all the arts of the orator, to acquaint him timdj' 
with the difliculties of his pursuit. 

To the mathematics tha young orator paid an atteii- 
tion that powerfully marked his future habits in life» 
Willi geometry, and algebraical exercises, he appeared 
peculiarly impressed, and their effects became soon 
evident in his precision and perspicuity. In every 
exertion he was indefatigable, and his acquisitions, in 
consequence, were &urpri:^ing in general ethics, juris- 
prudence, and politics. His relaxations were the His- 
tory of the British Constitution and the perusal of the 
Parliamentary Debates. 

.Such is the freezing -account given of the education 
of Mr. Pitt, while yet an infant, a system, however, 
which induced his fond tutor to predict that he would 
become a senatorial leader, either in or out of adnii- 

.JIG. 11. B 



14- riFE OF THE LATE 

iiistration, and that if a minister, be niust be the pie- 
mier. In the same fondness of perspective contem- 
pla^tion, his lordship is reported to have said, to some 
noblemen who called to take the young orator to the 
house of peers with them—" you must not think of 
taking my younger son there, for by G — he will get up 
and speak." 

Not to omit the advantages of the university, how- 
ever, while he thus qualified himself for his future ca- 
reer, Mr. Pitt was sent, in 1772-3, to Pembroke Col- 
lege, in Cambridge, under the tuition of Messrs. Tur- 
ner and Pretyman (since Dean of Norwich and Bishop 
of Lincoln) thus preserving the wonted spirit of party 
and rivality then prevalent, in the one instance, and 
the predilection for mathematical studies in the other. 
Mr. Pretyman was also his private instructor, and a bet- 
ter one could not be- Yet the blandishments oF oratory 
were not considered in these arrangements : the pupil 
might be severely correct, but never engagingly pleas- 
ing. l\\ such a subject, however, every thing might 
easily be conceived to be perfectible in practice, and in 
a great degree it certainly proved true. The instruc- 
tors cf Mr. Pitt, it is said, could scarcely keep pace 
with him. His studies were intense ; his very associa- 
tions were solely for the purpose of acquisition ; he 
had yet experienced no other appetite than a thirst for 
knowledge. Who that ever sought her fountains un- 
der auspices seldom so favourable, does not envy his 
ardour, opportunities, and success ? 

It is agreeable to contemplate the direction of Mr. 
Pitt's studies at every stage of his progress. With Ta- 
citus he had already been made well acquainted, and 
to J'iiucydides he came equally well prepared with the 



WILLIAM PITT. 15 

Strong iiij miction of bis fiither, to inform himself well 
in that profound and perspicuous author. Cicero, 
Polybius, Aristotle, and the other ancient, as well as 
modern authors on political history and philosophy, 
,\vere the next objects of his strict attention ; nor was 
the eloquence of Cicero and Pemosthenes neglected. 

At Cambridge, .Mr. Pitt was the model of all his 
compeers, and the admiration of all ranks of people, 
while his tutors contmned loud in their praises, and 
were, it is said, even joined hj the superiors of his 
college, if not the whole of the university. This was 
eminently marked on his admission to the degree of 
Master of Arts, when although unnecessarily <2xempt- 
t'd from the exercises usual on such occasions, by ins 
relation to nobility, the public orator was lavish in his 
praises, to which every spectator is said to have as- 
sented, atid avary breast to have been -filled with the 
livaliast prasagcj of his future greatness. It w^re well 
if such .presages were never less worthily formed in 
public seminaries of education— that the voice of 
.praise in academic grovt3s were alway© disinterested 
and sincere. In the preseiit instance, however, this 
testimony requires no investigation, since. its object 
will reist on a surer ground than the eulogy of expec- 
tant candidates for favors, not always earned without 
jnentsd i«jtiry to the individual, and injustice to general 
society. 

In 1778, Mr. Pitt for the first time experienced the 
affliction of the world, a few da)s before the comple- 
tion of his nineteenth year, m the death of his father, 
whose tenderness and capacity had left him much 
to be regretted. If any thing could be supposed to 
solace him for such a loss, it might be fully expected 
B 2 



^6 LIFE OF THE LATE 

in the abstraction of his studies, and still more ra- 
tionally in that general sorrow which everywhere seem- 
ed to follow it. Whatever the cause, admitting, and 
without mjury to his lordship's character, that he had 
been studious of his fame and popularity, and, for- 
tunate in his influence on the people, still, as conclud- 
ed by the author already quoted* — ^' it must be ac- 
knowledged that he had thos^ qualities which none 
but a great man can have, with a mixture of some of 
those feelings which are the common lot ofwretched 
and imperfect human nature.'' 

Of a minister of whom Johnson observed, that, ^* if 
he were dictator for sfx months, we should hear no 
more of the disputes of his time," much must be be- 
lieved by the most scrutinizing. That he became tre- 
mendous to every enemy is certain — that with much 
money he did not grow rich, and that his knowledge 
was universal. It was singularly said of him, by a 
lady, that he-was never natural but when in a pas- 
sion. A public funeral and monument were accorded 
to him, by government without a dissenting voice ; 
and an increase and extension of the income granted 
to his family. Nor were the citizens behind hand in 
a cenotaph to the ir favorite anddistinguishi^ minister.t 



* Chesterfield. 

t This respectable instance of numicipal grandeur is created 
against the north-east wall of the Guildhall in King-street, 
Cheapslde. It represents a figure of the decea«ed Earl, sur- 
rounded by the emblems of those objects in whjch he was so emi- 
nently successful. 

An inscription, of which the following is a faithful ccpy, ap- 
pears on the bise. 







/ 



.^ 



"^r* 



I.OK1J) CHATHAM . 



Jfu.b.Janz3.i^0 7,l>vJ'cuThi>' thnJcL^ViLvi 



WILLIAM PITT. 17 

There were not \yanting some to suppose that Mr. 
Pitt's feelings were not such as to be poignantly affect- 
ed by this irreparable loss ; but it was not long before 
lie gave the best testimony of the value at which he 
held it, in a defence of his father s memory against 
what he coiieeived injurious rumours, that at the latter 



*' III grateful acknowledgment to the Snprerae Disposer of 
events j who, intending to a«l» ance this nation, for such time as 
to his wisdom seemed good, to an high pitch of prosperity and 
glory ; by unanimity at home ; — by confidence and reputation 
abroad ; by alliances wisely chosen and faithfully observed ; — by 
colonies united and protected ; — by decisive victories by sea and 
land ; — by coiiquests made by arms and generosity in every part 
of the globe ; by commerce; for the first X\m% united with, and 
made flourish by war ; — was pleased to raise up, as a principal 
instrument in this raemorcibie work, 

"WILLIAM PITT. 

" The mayor, aldermenj and common-council, mindful of the 
beneftts which the city of London received in her ample share in 
the general prosperity, have erected to the memory of this emi- 
nent statesman and powerful orator, this monument in her Guild- 
hail J that her citizens may never meet for the transaction of their 
affairs, without being reminded — that the means by which Pro- 
vidence raises a nation to greatness, are the virtues infused into 
great men, and that to withhold from those virtues, either of 
the living or the dead, the tribute of ©eteem and veneration, is ta 
deny to themselves the means of happiness and honour, 

" This distinguished person, for the services rendered to King 
George the Second and to King George the Third was created 

" EARL OF CHATHAM. 

" The British nation honoured his memory with a public fune* 
ra^> and a public monument amongst her illustrious men in- West- 
3»ins;er Abbey/' 

b3 



18 LIFE OF THE LATE 

period of bis life be bad courted a connection with the 
nobleman then highest in the estimation of his sove* 
reign, whose power he had always opposed. This was 
also the first appearance of Mr. Pitt before the public^ 
and was certainly a well chosen opportunity. 

The subject arose from the meetings of two gentle- 
men in the confidence of Lord Bute and Lord Chat- 
ham, who communicated freely on the subject of the 
latter joining administration. That in a laudable ofii- 
ciousness to bring together t.^.) such men as their re- 
ispective patrons, each might have advanced much 
farther than he was warranted in any way is very like- 
ly. Dr. Addington (the father of the present Lord 
Sidmouth) who acted on the part of Lord Chatham, 
it appeared, considered himself mistaken to a certain 
degree.^ Be it as it may, however, the enemies of 
both parties did not fail to make ample use of the sub- 
ject, and disgrace 'was attached by them to the noble- 
man who made the first advances^ 

To remove this real or supposed disgrace was the 
c)l>ject of Mr. Pitt's publication, which was issued by 
the Chatham family, and gave no unfavorable speci- 
men of the acquisitions which had been the business 
of his yet short life. This was answered by Lord 
Wountstuart, who stood in the same relation on the 
other side, in a manner that turned the question in- 
stantly in favor of Lord Bute, and with the aid of no 
inconsiderable talent. To this Mr. Pitt replied in a 
masterly style; and, when his age is considered, not- 
withstanding the closeness of his application, it must 



* S^e Ack)lphus's History of England, temp. Geo. IIL v. l. 



WILLIAM PITT. 19 

be coiosidered no mean triumph even to have contend- 
ed with the knowledge and experience of Lord Mount- 
Btuart. 

From Cambridge, Mr. Pitt entered a student of 
Lincohi's Inn, where he soon obtained a similar dis- 
tinction to that of his Alma Mater, and received some 
honorary mark from that society. In 1780, being 
now of age, he was called to the bar, as the best means 
of initiation into business : and here the parallel be- 
tween him and his rival (for the rivality had now de- 
scended by the death of both fathers to their respec- 
tive sons) must cease for the present. Mr, Fox had 
even at the same age, lived half a life in the world, 
and was in parliament. Mr. Titt had yet never ceased 
from study and its progressive application. He had 
prepared for the bar by that intimate acquaintance 
with the laws and constitution which distinguishes 
what is called a sound lawyer; and must have distin- 
guished him in that profession — nor w^as it useless to 
bim in his subsequent career. 

The first cause in which hev/as retained was an East 
Indian dispute, and he attracted the notice of Lord 
' Mansfield on the bench ; as he had done that of all 
his other superiors ; he then went once or twice oa 
the western circuit, and appeared as junior counsel ia 
several causes. His judicial eloquence on these oc- 
casions is described as convincing rather than persua- 
sive ; as commanding rather than seducing the atten- 
tion ; as ratiocinative, more than attractive or pas- 
sionate. He was, however, but preparing for a ca- 
reer of more importance to which he felt himself des- 
tined, and in which the talents that might have left 



20 LIFE OF THE LATE 

him in silence behind the bar would meet full play and 
influence. 

At the genera] election of 1780, it had been pro- 
posed b}^ some persons of the highest respectability 
in Cambridge, where he has already been described 
as so highly regarded, to nominate him as member to 
represent that l/'niversiiy in parliament ; but notwith- 
standing the estimation in which he was held, he found 
a contention present itself from which it was mast 
honorable to retire. He did so, and on the ensuing 
year, obtained a seat for the borough of Appleby, in 
the interest of Sir James Lowther,* which he occu- 
pied for the first time on the 23d of January, 1781. 

It will be easily conceived with what expectation 
the young statesman first appeared in the house of 
commons. In him was recognised the genius of his 
iiiustiious father, revived in him for the purpose of ap- 
palhng administration, as that great man had done 
in his first appearance against Sir Robert Walpole. 
He was at this time within four months of completing 
the twenty-second year of his age, with a mind richly 
stored, as we have seen, if not with shining, with last- 
ting qualities. He was in person tall and very thin, with 
a scholastic air, yet not without his father's fire and 
animation, when elicited by any sufficient cause, but 
most in the detection of error or falsehood, or in un- 
winding even by its own arts, the clue of evasive so- 
phistry. 



* On several occasions Mr. Pitt's first election is described ta 
have been for Pook, but this according to the best authority is er- 
loneous. 




LOMJD) THITjRtO'^ 



Tuh.Teb.3..i3o-. hy Jcmzcs iiaiA.v 



WILLIAM PITT. 21 

He appeared cu the side of the party which opposed 
Lord North,* and the American wa/, yet adopting 
his father's opinions, he did not decidedly join any 
party, and sat indiscriminately in the house.f His 
first speech took place on the 20th of February, when 
h^ had sat a month in parliament, on the bill brought 
in by Mr. Burke, for the regulation of the civil list 
revenue, abolishing useless places, &c. and as much 
bath been said of this first' effort with a needless exag- 



# The following noble mea and gentlemen composed I he ad- 
Riiuistration : — 

Lord North, First Lord of the Treasury and Chancellor of 
the Exchequer. 

Eari of Hilsborough, (afterwards Marquis of Downsliire) 

Lord Viscount Stormont (afterwards Earl of Mansfield^ and 

Lord George Gernraine, Secretaries of Slate. , 

Lord Thurlow, Lord Chancellor. 

Earl Bathut-8t, Lord President of the Couticli. 

Eari of Dartraouth, Lord Privy Seal. 

Lord Hyde (afterwards Earl of Clarendon) Chancellor of the 
Duchy of Lancaster. 

Earl Sandwich, First Lord of the Admiralty, 

Lord Viscount Townshend, Mastef-General of tht Ordnance. 

Charles Jenkinson, Esq, (afterwards Earl of Liverpooji) i^ecre^ 
tary at War. 
~ Right Honourable Richard Rigby, Paymaster of the Foroe?. 

Welbore Ellis, Esq, (afterv.ards Lord Mendip) Treasurer of 
the Navy, 

James Wallace, Esq. Attorney General. 

James Mansfield, Esq. Solicitor-General. 

Earl of Carlisle, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. 

W- illiam Eden, Esq. (afterwards Lord Auckland) Secretary to 
Ditto. 

t To some readers it may be necessary to mention, that the 
persons composing the government in the bousfe of commons, sit 
together on the right hand of the speaker. 



i^'i LIFE OF THE LATE 

geration tending to injure the just praise of Mr. Pitt, 
often so mifch more arduously and ably earned, the 
substance of the whole will be here given, as preserved 
on the best authority,'* 

Mr. Burke's bill had been read a first time, and the 
order of the day was for its second reading. Aft,^r 
Mr. Burke and several other gentlemen had delivered 
their opinions, particularly Lord Nugent, who had ar- 
gued with considerable wit, Mr. Pitt rose. 

He said, that, '' he gave liis most hearty consent 
to what had fallen from his honorable friend on the 
other side of the house — that a proposition for the re- 
trenchment of the civil list revenue ought to have come 
from his Majesty's ministers. He gave his entire 
approbation to this sentiment. It would have come 
with more grace j it would have conie with more be- 
nefit to the public, if it had sprung from th^ royal 
breast. His Majesty's ministers ought to have com^ 
forward and proposed a reduction in the civil list, to 
give the people the consolation of knowing that tb^ir 
sovereign participated in the sufferings of the empire, 
and presented an honorable example of petrenchmt;nt 
in an hour of general dilBculty. They oi^ght to have 
consulted their royal master, and have seated him in 
he hearts of his people, by abating from magnificence 
Vv'hat was due to necessity. Instead of waiting for the 
slow request of a burthened p(;ople, they should have 
courted popularity by a voluntary surrender of useless 



• This h better effected from the assistance afforded by the 
peculiarly excellent compilation of Mr. Hathaway, wiiose accu- 
racy of fact and method of arrangcmeut canncl be too highlj 
praised. 



WILLIAM PITT. 23 

revenue. Far more agreeable would it have been to 
that house to acci-de, than to propose ; much more 
gracious to have observed the free exercise of royal 
boimty, than to make the appeal and point out what 
was right or what was necessary. But if ministers 
failed to do this ; if they interfered between the be- 
nignity and the distresses of the people, and stopped the 
tide of royal sympathy, was that a reason why the 
house of commons, his Majesty's public counsellors, 
should depart from a measure so congenial to the pa- 
ternal feelings of the sovereign, so applicable to the 
wants and miseries of the people. The natural benefi- 
cence of the royal heart would be gratified by the 
seasonable remittance. And sure it was no reason, 
because ujinisters failed to do iheir duty, that the house 
should cease to attend to theirs. Acting as the faith- 
ful representatives of the people, who had trusted 
them, they ought to seize on every object of equitable 
resource that presented itself; and surely none were so 
fair, so probable, or so flattering, as retieuchment and 
economy. The obligations of their character demand- 
ed from them not to hesitate in pursuing those objects, 
even to the foot of the throne ; and, actuated by 
diity, to advise the crown to part with useless ostenta- 
tion, that he might prt'serve necessary power; to abate 
a little of pomp, that he might ascertain respect; to 
diminish a little of exterior grandeur, that he might 
encrease and secure authentic diunitv. Such advice 
"would become them, as the counsellors of his Majesty, 
and as the representatives of the people; for it was 
their immediate duty, as the commons house of par- 
liament, to guard the lives, the liberties, and the 
properties of the people. The last obligation, was the 



24 LIFE OF THE LATE 

strongest : it was more inunediately incumbent upon 
them to guard the properties, because they were the 
more liable to invasion by the secret and subtle at- 
tacks ot influence, than either their lives or liberties — 
It would not derogate from the real glory of the crown 
to accept of the advice. It would be no diminution of 
true grandeur to yield to the respectful petitions of the 
people. The tutelage of that house might be a hard 
term ; but the guardianship of that bouse could not be 
disgraceful to a constitutional king. The al>ridgement 
of useless and unnecessary expense, could be no 
abatement to royalty. INIagnificence aiid grandeur 
were not inconsistent with retrenchment and economy, 
but on the contrary, in tin^e of necessity and common 
exertion, solid grandeur was dependant on the reduc- 
tion of expense. And it was the general sentiment and 
observation of the house, that economy was at tliis time 
essentially necessary to national salvation. This had 
been the language ot the noble lord (Lord Nugent) on 
the other side of the house, and he declared, that, if the 
bill then before the house had provided that all, the 
monies to be derived from the reductions proposed 
were to be applied to the public service, he would 
have given his hearty concurrence in it, and would 
have become one of its warmest advocates. Here then 
he begged leave to join issue with the noble lord. 
He bacl said, that the savings were to be appropriated 
towards a fund for creating a provision for the royal 
famiiv ; and this clause he had found in the bill; be- . 
fore them. He begged to inform the noble lord, ,thut .• 
there was a clause in the bill, which ex.pressiy stated 
that the monies arising from^ the reductions proposed ; 
should be directly apphed to the public servicii). . The 



^iLLiAM pitt: is 

^iily merit that he could claim in a competition with 
the noble lord was, that his eyes were somewhat youn- 
ger than his, and he would read the clause to which 
he alluded. He here read the following clause: — 

* And it is hereby enacted, by the authority afore-' 
<Said, that all salaries, lawful fees, perquisites, and 
profiis whatsoever belonging to all and every the offi- 
ces by this act suppressed, shall cease and determine- 
with the determination of the offices severallj^, and be 
no longer paid ; and that the commissioners of the 
treasury shall, within a reasonable time, make, or 
caused to be miide up, an account of the salaries, and 
fees now payable- for or on account of the said offices 
severally, as also an account oi all the charges whatso- 
ever, ordinary or extraordinary, incurred for, or by 
reason of the said offices, during [a certain number of] 
years last past ; and shall cause a sum, to the amount 
of a medium of the said salaries, fees, and charges, to 
be annually set apart, and a sepa'^ate account to be 
kept of the sam.e, and to carry the said sum or sums 
.of money, together v;ith the auKJunt of each and every 
pension, as it shall fall or determine, until the said 
pension list be reduced to a sum to be limited by the 
act (except as in this act otl-erwise provided) to the 
.sinking fund, there to remain for the disposition of 
parliament/ 

" This was the clearest refutation of the noble lord's 
assertion ; but his error seemed to have arisen from 
his having taken notice of another clause in the act, 
which ordains that the monies appropriated to the 
payment of annuities to be granted to those persons 
whose places were to be abolished, should be placed 
in a fund, as they should arise by the death of the 

SfO. 12. c 



26 LIFE OF THE LATE 

annuitants, to create a provision for the royal family. 
This was the error of the noble fcrd ; he had mistaken 
this provision for all the savings of the plan ; unless 
indeed he imagined that to place money in the sinking 
fund, subject to the disposal of parliament, was not 
to apply it to the public service. He might consider 
the blind profusion of the minister as the public ser- 
vice ; and unless it had b^^en left to him to be misma- 
naged and squandered in his usual way, it was not ap- 
plyingitjin his opinion, to the public service. He trust- 
ed the house would excuse him for having wantoned 
with their patience on tliis point ; and he, for his own 
part, should think his time and labour very well re- 
paid, if thereby he had been fortunate enough to gain 
over so powerful an assistant and friend as the noble 
lord to the principle of the bill. 

" It had been said by an honourable gentleman 
\^bo spoke early in the debate, that the bill connected 
two objects that ought to have been^kept separate. 
His honourable friend (Mr, John Townshend) near 
liim, had shewn that these objects ought to go hand 
in hand together ; and had very properly contended 
that this was the fit nmment for introducing reform and 
economy. He should add, that the bill had a third 
object ; much more important than either of these, 
and that was the reduction of the influence of the 
crown — that influence, whi( h the last parliament, by 
an express resolution, had declared to be encreasing, 
and that it ought to be diminislied — an in^uence, 
which was more to be dreaded, because n)ore secret 
in its attacks, and more concealed in its operations, 
than the power of prerogative. All these objects were 
BOt only compatible with each other, but they had a 
5 



WILLIAM PITT. 2/ 

mutual ccnnection, and ought not to be divided in a 
measure of reformation. 

" In all the arguments of the noble lord who spoke 
last on the subject of the resolutions of the 6th of 
April, he observed the noble lord's objections were 
directed soleij to the second of these resolutions ; he 
took it for granted, therefore, that the noble lord acl- 
mirted the first. That resolution pledged the house 
to do something effectual in compliance with the peti- 
tions of the people. Why then should the house re- 
fuse to adopt the present bill, the operation of which, 
in diminishing the influence of the crown, reudnred it,- 
in his opinion, much more valuable than the mer^ c n- 
sideration of the saving it would effect. 

** But it bad been said, that ihe saving was imma- 
terial — it was a matter of trifling consideration, when 
measured by the necessities or expences of the time. 
It proposed to bring no more than 200,0001. a vear, 
into the public coffers ; and that sum was insii^nili- 
cant in the public account, when compared with the 
millions which we spend. This was surely the most 
singular and unaccountable species of reasoniug that 
was ever attempted in any assembly. The calamities 
of the crisis were too great to be benefited by econo- 
my ! Our expences were so enormous that it was ri- 
diculous to attend to little matters of account ! Vv'e 
have spent so many nnllions, that thousands are be- 
neath our consideration 1 V/e were oblige^d to spend 
so much, that it was foolish to think of saving any [ 
This was the language of the day, and it v/as by such 
reasoning that the principle of the bill had been dis* 
puted. 

e 2 



28 LIFE OF THE LATE 

^* Much argument had been brought to prove the 
impropriety, and the injustice, of resuming a parlia- 
iDentary grant ; and it had even been said, that theA' 
had not a right to do so. It would be needless to at- 
tempt to answer to such a doctririe. It contained its 
refutation in its weakness. Bat it ought to be^ re- 
riiembered, that the civil list revenue was granted by 
parliament to his Majesty for other purposes ihan 
those of personal gratification. It was granted to sup- 
port the power and the interests of the empire, to 
inaiDtaii) its grandeur, to pay the judges and the fo- 
reign ministers, to maintain justice and support re- 
B,:ect; to pay the great officers that were necessary to 
the lustre of the crown; and it was proportioned to 
the dignitv aud the opulence of the people. It would 
hi: :'n. ungracious task to invesiigate the great ditleri^nce 
i.-^at tbeie was between the wealih of the empire when 
that revenue was granted, and the wealth at 1;he 
jjresent time. Jt would serve, however, to shew, that 
the sum of revenue which was necessary to the support 
of the common dignity of crown and people, at that 
lime ought now to be abated, as the necessities had 
increased. The people, who granted that revenue, 
under the circumstances of the occasion, were justified 
in resuming a part of it, under [he pressing demand of 
in altered situation. Th€;y clearly felt their right but 
they exercised it with pain and regret. They approacl^ 
led the throne with bleeding hearts, afflicted at the ne- 
cessity of applying for retrenchment of the royal grati- 
fications. ; bat the request was at once loyal and sub- 
missive. It was justified by policy, and his Majesty's 
compliance with the request was inculcated by pru- 
dence, as well as allection. 



WILLIAM PITT. 29 

" He confessed, that when he considered the obli- 
gation of the house, he could not cherish the idea tha^ 
they would dispute the principle of the bill before 
them. He could not believe it possible that the prin- 
ciple of economy would be condemned, or the means 
of accomplishing it abandoned. For his own part, 
he admitted the plan proposed. He felt himself as a ci- 
tizen of the country and as a member of that house high- 
ly indebted to the honorable author of it; and as he 
considered it essential to the being, and the independ^ 
'ence of his country, he would give it the most deter- 
mined support." 

The second reading was, however, postponed to 
that day six months, and consequently lost for the ses- 
sion. 

Such were the prim.oeval sen'l.nents of Mr. Pitt, and 
such were the terms on which he introduced hmiself 
to the senate of Great Britain. From this time he did 
not cease to address the house on every important oc- 
casion, and every time excelling the former. The 
speech, however, which has just been recited, having, 
nothing to do with temporary politics, it was judged, 
expedient to dismiss it without that brief sketch of 
the state; of opinions and aflairs at the time which 
will be necessary to preserve in. the farther account of 
his career. 

The high character of Mr. Pitt's (Lord Chatham) 
administration at the commencement of the present: 
reign is in the recollection of every reader. It will at 
the same time be recognized that the policy of IMr, 
Pitt with regard to w^ar and other particulars became 
opposed l3y a more pacific system, and by new- ar?*- 
G 3 



30 LIFE OF THE LATE 

rangements, to which he could not accord ;* that in 
consequence he resigned, receiving as a reward for his 



* Of tbis subject the account of Lord Chatham himself, is 
perhaps the best, as delivered in a letter to his " friend in the 
city." See Hist, of the Minority, p. 37. 

'* Dear Sir, 

" Finding, to my great surprize, that the cause and manner , 
of ray resigning the seals, is grossly misrepresented in the 
City, as well as that the most gracious and i>poutaneous marks 
uf his Majesty's approbation of my services, which marks 
fuliowed my resignation, have been infamously traduced as a 
bargain for my forsaking the public, I am under the neoessity of 
declaring the truth of both these facts, in a manner which I am 
sure nogentlemanwill contradict ; a diiierencc of opinion with re- 
gard to measures tobetr.»'-;a against Spain, of the highest im- 
portance to the honour of the crown, and to the most essential 
national interest, and this bounded on what Spain had already 
done, not on what that court ma^*^ farther intend to do, was the 
cause of my resigning the seals. Lord Temple and I submitted 
in writing, and signed by us, our most humble sentiments to his 
Maje«iy ; which being over-ruled by the united opinion of all 
the rest of the king's servants, I resigned the seals on Monday, 
the 5th ofthis month, in order not to remain responsible for mea- 
sures, which I was no longer allowed to guide. Most gracious 
public marks of his Majesty's approbation of my services followed 
my resignation. They are unmerited and unsolicited, and I 
t^lvr.W ever be proud to have received them from the best of sove- 
reigns. 

" 1 will now only add, my dear Sir, that I have explaiiied 
matters only lor the honour of truth, not in any view to court re- 
turn of confidence from any, who, with a credulity, weak as it 
js injurious, has thought fit hastily to withdraw his good opinion 
iVom one one who has served his country, with fidelity and suc- 
cess :. and who justly reveres the upright and candid judgment of 
it, little solicitous about the censures of the capricious and ung©- 



WILLIAM PITT. S'l 

services a pension, and a barony for his lady and her 
heirs. The administration of Lord Bute followed, who 
put his system in 'practice and retired. To his lord- 
ship succeeded Mr Grenville who with talents of the 
first order in planning, was less skilful in execu- 
tion. Then came Lord Rockingham, wiih a spirit of 
liberal policy, but wliich was yet crude, and easily 
overturned ; and Lord Chatham with his powerful 
name — *' a natne," says Burke, speaking of the same 
time, *^ that keeps the name of this country respecta- 
ble in every other on the globe/^ again formed an ad-^ 
ministration, the apparent head ef which was the 
Duke of Grafton. — '* This was that administration,"' 
according to the same authority^. '' so chequered and. 
speckled — a piece of joinery so crossly indented and* 
whimsically dovetailed, a cabinet so variously inlaid^ 
&c, that It was a very curious show,, but utterly unsafe 
to touch and unsure to stand on.'' Thus through this 
unsettled state, the government tottered on, to the un- 
steady hands of Lord North, in which it nearly perish- 
ed from indecision, amid the shock of an opposition 
the most powerful it had ever before ei^perienced. 

This was the period at which the present pages are 
arrived, when the minister had been nearly exhausted, 
and the proudest hearts in the British nation had been 

rous; accept my sincerest acknowledgments for all your kind; 
friendship, and believe me ever with truth ar.d esteem, 

" My dear Sir, 

*' Your faithful friend, 

^' W. PITT.'^ 
QcU 14, 1745, 



32 LIFE OF THE LATP; 

driven to wish for peace. Of Lord Chatham's opinion 
on -that subject which descended to his son, the fol- 
lowing speech will afford the best account, which is at 
the same time an honorable testimony to the best of 
fathers, a great man deceased. He had previous- 
ly supported Colonel Barre (May 31) on the ques- 
tion of public accomptants paying into the exchequer 
the balances remaining in their hands, with sufficient 
knowledge of the subject. The present arose out of 
Mr. Fox's motion — That the house should resolve 
itself into a committee to consider of the American 
war ; leading to the adoption of measures for con- 
cluding peace with the colonies. (June 12.) 

The debate bad arrived at its height, when Mr. 
Pitt, with some emotion, said *' that he was induced' 
to rise from certain expressions that had fallen from 
a right honoarable gentleman (Mr. Rigby) on the 
floor, and another gentleman (Mr. Adam) on the 
other side of the house, respecting the ministerial and 
legislative conduct of a dear and most respected- rela-- 
tion of his (Lord Chatham) with regard to tlie Ame- 
rican war, and the progressive measures which had 
produced it. He thought it was-his duty, as the son of 
that noble lord, and as a member of thai house, to ri^e 
upon the occasion to correct the gentleman who had 
spoken, and to prevent the house from going away un- 
der a persuasion that the conduct and sentiments of 
the noble lord, were such as had been described. 
The silence of one so nearly connected and allied in 
blood and affection, might seem to countenance what 
Lad been so confidently, but erroneously stated. There 
might be many gentlemen in the house who were well 
sicquainted with the political opinions of that noble per- 



WILLIAM PIT-T. 35 

sijii. To them no regulation of the assertions of this 
night would be necessary ; but there might be some 
who were perfectly ignorant of them, or who^^knovv^ing 
them but imperfectly might be deceived by misre-. 
presentations, perhaps unintentionally made. 

'^ Actuated by these motives, he thought it incum- 
bent to state his relation's opinion, as it appeared in his 
pubHc conduct, and as it came further coniirmed by 
private communication made to himself and the rest 
of his family. The noble person, whose name had 
been so often mentioned in the course of the Cv^ening,. 
most heartily reprobated the American war in all its 
parts, as well on the principle on which it was takea 
up, as its progress, and the ultimate objeets to wbidi 
it pointed. He had expressed himself uniformly so 
on the subject ; and, he was persuaded, never gave 
a vote or opinion in contradiction to those sentiments. 
Those who acted with him well know it ;, there were 
many living testimonies of the truth of this assertion, 
and innumerable circumstances could be adduced, if 
further evidence were required. 

** The only opmion declared by him, which could 
have afforded ihe most distant colour for such an as^ 
sertion, was, that he thought this country had a right 
to lay duties for the regulation of commerce, duties 
incidental to the extension of trade, calculated, for the 
mutual benefit of both countrieb ; but not a smgle tax 
or duty of any kind for the purpose of raisujg a re^ 
^'enuein America, to be remitted home, and be dis- 
posable by the British parliament. I his. however, 
was but a speculative question, totally difiVrent and 
distinct from the doctrines which wereproductiveof the 
v,'dv. Those at least, which produced the riots at Bos- 



34 LIFE OF THE LATE 

ton, from whence it was acknowledged by every side 
of the house the war originated, did not come within 
the above description. They were taxes upon the im- 
post, laid on expressly by the British parhament, col- 
lected under its authority, and intended for the British 
treasury^ and we**e not even pretended to hold out any 
advantage to both countries, but to one only ; neither 
were they directed to promote or extend the commerce 
of America, but merely to draw out of the pockets of 
the inhabitants of that country, certain lumi of monay 
for augmenting tha revenue of this, 

** These were the tru^ and genuine sentiments of the 
noble person alluded to. To assert, therefore, that, 
because be approved of one mode of conduct, which 
was not adopted, he approved of another system, 
which be had so frequently and openly reprobated, was 
B most extrdordinary use of logic indeed. But he 
tould not think that those vvho argued in this manner, 
expected to bring home conviction to the breast of 
any man who had not before been made a convert to 
their opinions." 

After thus explaining his noble father's principles 
and conduct, he proceeded to speak to the question. He 
said, *' some gentlemen had passed the highest eulogi- 
ums on the American war. Its justice was defended 
4n the m.ost warm and fervent manner indeed. A, no- 
ble lord (Lord Westcote) who spoke early, in the heat 
of hi^ zeal had called it a holy war. For his part, 
though the honorable gentleman, who made the mo- 
tion, and some other gentlemen, had been more than 
once in the course of the debate severely reprehended 
for calling it a wicked and accursed war, he was per- 
suaded and would affirm, that it was a most accursed,. 



WILLIAM PITT. 35 

wicked, barbarous, cruel, unnatural, unjust, and dia- 
bolical war ! It was conceived in injustice; it was 
nurtured and brouglU forth in folly; its footsteps were 
marked with blood, slaughter, persecution, and devas- 
tation; in truth, everything which constitute moral 
depravity and human turpitude were to be found in it. 
It was pregnant with misery of every kind. The mis- 
chiefs, however, recoiled on the unhappy people of this 
country, who were made the instruments by which 
the wicked purposes of its authors were effected. The 
nation was drained of its best blood; and of its vital 
resources of men and money. The expence of it was 
enormous, much beyond any former experience; and 
yet, what had the British nation received in return. 
Nothins but a series of- ineffective victories, or severe 
defeats ; — victories celebrated only by a temporary^ 
triumph over our brethren, whom we would trample 
down and destroy ; which filled the land with mourn- 
ing for the loss of dear and valuable relations, slain in 
the impious cause of enforcing unconditional submis- 
sion, or with narratives of the glorious exertions of 
men struggling under all the difhculties and disadvan- 
tages which are, in general, deemed the necessary con- 
comitants of victory and success. Where was the Eng- 
lishman, on reading the narratives of those blood v and 
well- fought contests,^who could refrain from lanienting 
the loss x>f so much British blood spilt in such a cause, 
or from weeping, on whatever side victory might be 
declared ? Add to this melancholy consideration, that 
on which ever side we looked we could perceive no- 
thing but our natural and powerful enemies, or luke- 
warm and -faithless friends, rejoicing in cur calamities, 
or meditating our ultimate dowafaU'' 



S@ LIFE OF THE LATE 

He said lie " bad taken the present opportunity oi' 
delivering bis sentiments on the American war. There 
was not a point of view in which he considered it, there 
was not a feature which presented itself to his notice^ 
but served the more and more to confirm him in the 
opinion he had early formed concerning its mischie- 
vous and destructive tendency ; and he trusted the 
present opinion he had given would be received, as it 
was sincerely intended, as fully expressive of his prin- 
ciples, so far as they might be applicable^ or seemed 
to bear a relation, to the American war, in all its fu- 
ture as well as former stages." 

He made several detached observations on the 
grounds and moti-ves on which the honourable gentle- 
man (IMr. Fox) had supported his motion; but seemed 
*' chiefly to rest his arguments on the injustice of the 
war in its outset, the innumerable mischiefs it had 
already been productive of, and the still more fatal 
and disastrous events it might bring with it, if ministtrs 
or the nation should persevere in urging a war 
which, whether successful or not, ought not to be fur- 
ther pursued, because it was totally subversive of the 
true constitutional connection by which both countries 
were united.'" 

These were the only important discussions in which 
Mr. Pitt joined through the first year of his attendance 
in parliament, with the exception, perhaps of that on 
the king's speech on the opening of the ensuing session 
of parliament, in November ^S, when he rose, as he 
said, " to give vent to those sentiments of indignation 
which in the disastrous situation of our affairs, he 
found it impossible for him to suppress !" That indig- 
nation, how'^ver, was little longer necessary, since a 



WILLIAM PITT. 37 

strong attack upon Lord North being determined upon 
hy the opposition to take place after Christmas, its 
preparations alarmed the ** noble lord in the blue rib- 
bon," as he was constantly called, so much, that his 
administration swiftly hastened to decaj^, and in March 
following he wassucceeded by the united opposition, hav- 
ing at its head the Marquis of Rockingham, the Earl of 
Shelburne, and Mr. Fox.* Mr. Piit, however, fron\ 
motives, perhaps not known, but usually attributed to 
a minute difference of opinion on the subject of the 



* The following is a list of its members :— 

Maiquis of Rockingham, First Lord of the Treasury. 

Earl Shelburnej and the 

Hon. Charles James Fox, principal Secretaries cf State, the 
third secretaryship being abolislicd. 

Lord John Cavendish, Chaacellor of the Exchequer. 

Admiral Keppel (created a Viscount) First Lord oi the Ad- 
miralty. 

Duke of Grafton, Lord Privy Seal. 

Lord Camden, President of Ceunci!. 

Duke of Richmond, Master General of the Ordnance. 

Lord Thurlow to continue Chancellor. 

General Conway, Commander-in-Chief of tiic Forces. 

John Dunning, Esq. Chancellor of the Dacl:'y of Lancaster, aiiji 
created Baron Ashburten. 

(The above composed the cabinet.) 

Hon. Thomas Townshend, Secretary oi' War. 
Colonel Barre, Treasurer of the Navy. 
Edmund Burke, Esq. Paymaster-General of the Forces. 
Lloyd Kenyon, Esq. (afterwards Lord Kenyon) AUorney- 
Gcneral. 
John Lee, Esq. Solicitor-General. 
Duke of Portland, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. 
Hon. Richard Fitzpatrlck, Secretary to Ditto. 



Ob LIFE OF THE LATE 

conflict with America, did not accept any place in the 
administration. 

The new ministry with all the advantages of po- 
pularity, now proceeded to put into practice all 
their favorite principles, and to reverse those of their 
predecessors. Among these the principal objects were 
— overtures of peace — that of Mr. Burke's bill through 
the crown itself; the exclusion of contractors from 
parliament, and a step toward purifying elections. 
Even Wilkes obtained the resolutions against himself 
on the journals to be expunged. Mr. Pitt was not 
behindhand; in a rational and digniOed manner, he 
selected a subject on which he was enabled to exhibit, 
in full force, the powers he had so largely acquired— 
this was the reform of parliament. 

On the 7th of iNlay, Mr. Pitt rose, and prefaced 
Lis intended motion, with an apology tor undertaking 
a task so extensive, and which required abilities and 
experience so much greater than his ; but having said 
this, he would trust to the indulgence of the house, 
and believe that the importance of the subject, to 
which he meant to call their attention, would induce 
them to treat it with the utmost seriousness and re- 
spect. "The representation of the commons in parlia- 
ment, was a matter so truly interesting, that it had 
at all times excited the regard of men the most enlight- 
ened ; and tlje defects which they had found in that 
representation had given them reason to apprehend 
the most alarming consequences to the constitution. 
It would be needless for him. in the present moment, 
to recal to the memory of the liouse the many occa- 
sions, upon which he and others, in an anxious struggle 
with a minister who laboured to exert the corrupt in- 



"WILLIAM PITT. o9 

fluencc of the crou^n in support of an inadequate re- 
presentation of the people, maintained the necessity 
that there was for a calm revision of the princi])les of 
the constitution, and a moderate reform of such de- 
fects as had imperceptibly and gradually stole in to 
deface, and which threatened at last totally to destroy, 
the most beautif-ul fabric of government in the world. 
L^pon these occasions, they were unsuccessful m their 
efforts, on account of that corrupt influence of which 
he had spoken ; but at last, he thanked God, the \oice 
of the people bad happily prevailed, and we were now 
blessed witii a ministry, wliose wishes went along with 
those of the people, for a moderate reform of the er- 
rors v.hich had obtruded themselves into the constitu- 
tion ; and he was happy to see that there was a spirit 
of unanimity prevalent in every part of the kingdom, 
and also in every part of that house, which made the 
present day the fittest for undertaking this great task. 
The ministers had declared their virtuous resolution of 
supporting the king's government by means more ho- 
nourable, as well as more permanent than by corrup- 
tion; and the nation had conlidence in the declarations, 
of men who had so invariably proved themselves the 
friends of freedom, and the animated supporters of an 
equal and fair system of re})resentation. That the 
frame of our constitution had undero;one material al- 
terations, by which the commons' house of parliament 
had received an improper and dangerous bias, and by 
which, indeed, it had fallen so greatly from that direc- 
tion and effect which it was intended, and ought to 
have in the constitution; he believed it would be idle 
in him to attempt to prove. It was a fact so plain 
and palpable, tl)at every man's reason, if not his ex- 
D 2 



40 LIFE OF THE LATJK 

perience, must point it out to him. He had onlj to 
examine the quality and nature of that branch of the 
constitution as originally estabhshed, and compare it 
with its present state and condition. That beautiful 
frame of government, which had made us the envy 
and admiration of mankind, in which the people were 
entitled to hold so distinguished a share, vi'as so far 
dwindled and departed from its original purity, as that 
the representatives ceased^ in a great degree, to be con- 
nected with the people. It was the essence of the 
constitution, that the people had a share in the go- 
"vernment, by means of representation, having been 
designed to be equal, easy, practicable, and complete. 
When it ceased to be so; v;hen the representative 
ceased to have connection with the constituent, and 
was either dependant on the crown or the aristocracy, 
ihere v%ab a defect in the frame of representation, and 
it was not innovation, but recovery of constitution to 
repair it. 

** He would not, m the present instance, call to 
their view, or endeavor to discuss the question, whe- 
ther this species of reform, or that, whether this sug- 
gestion, or that, was the best ; and which would most 
complelely tally and square with the original frame of 
the constitution. It was simply his purpose to move 
for ti^e instituiion of an enquiry, composed of such 
men as the house shonld, in their wisdom, select as 
the most proper and best qualified for investigating 
this subject, and making a report to the house of the 
best means of carrying into execution a moderate and 
substantial reform of the representation of the people. 
Though he would not press upon the consideration 
any proposition whatever, he should still think it his 



WILLIAM PITT. 41 

duty to state facts and circumstances, which, in his 
idea, made this object of reform essentially requisite. 
He believed, however, that even this was unnecessary, 
for there was not a o-entleman in the house who Avould 
not acknowledge, with him, that the representation, 
as it now stood, was incomplete. It was perfectly 
understood that there were some boroughs absolutely 
governed by the treasury, and others totally possessed 
by them. It required no experience to say that such 
boroughs had no one quality of representation in them ; 
they had no share nor substance in the general inte- 
rests of the country ; and they had, in ftict no stake 
^for which to appoint their guardians in the popular 
assembly. The influence of the treasury in some 
boroughs was contested, not by the electors of these 
boroughs, but by some one or other powerful man, 
who assumed or pretended to an hereditary property 
of what ought onlv to be the rights and privileges of the 
electors. The interests of the treasur}' were considered 
as well as the interests of the great man, the lord or 
the commoner who had connection WMth the borough ; 
but the interests of the people, the rights of the ekctors 
were the only things that were never attended to, nor 
taken into the account. Would any man say, that^ 
in this case, there was the most distant idea or prin- 
ciple of representation r There w ei'e other boroughs 
which had now in fact no actual existence, but in the 
return of members to the house. They had no existence 
in property, in population, in trade, m v/eight. There 
^vere hardly any man in the borough who had a right 
to vote ; and they were the slaves and subjects of 
a person, who claimed the property of tlie boroughj. 
and who in fact made the return. This ako was 29 
D 3 



42 LIFE OF THE LATE 

representation nor any thing like it. Another set of 
boroughs and towns, in the lofty possession of English 
freedom, claimed to themselves the right of bringing 
their votes to market. They had no other market, no 
other property, and no other stakein thecomitry, than 
the property and price which they procured for their 
votes. Such boroughs were the most dangerous of all 
others. So far from consulting the interests of their 
country in the choice which they made, tbey held out 
their borough to the best purchaser, and in fact, they 
belonged more to the nabob of Arcot than they did to 
the people of Great Britain; and it was a fact pretty 
well known, and generally understood, that the nabob 
of Arcot had no less tlian seven or eight members in 
that house. Such boroughs then, were sources of cor- 
ruption ; they gave rise to an inundation of corrupt 
wealth and corrupt members, who had no regard nor 
connections, either for or with the people of this 
kingdom. It had always been consideied, in all na- 
tions, as the greatest source of danger to a kingdouii 
when a foreign influence, was suffered to creep into 
the national councils. The fact was clear, that the in- 
fluence of the nabobs in India was great: why then 
might not their imaginations point out to them ano- 
ther most probable circumstance that might occur, the 
danger of which would be evident, as soon as men- 
tioned. — Might not a fo:eign state in enmity with this 
country, by means of these boroughs, procure a party 
of men lo act for them under the mask and character 
of members of that house ? Such a cabal was more to 
be dreaded than any other ; and this among otljer do- 
mestic evils, was to be apprehended/rom the present 
incomplete and improper frame of' xepresentatiom 



WILLIAM PITT. 43 

How many other circumstances were there under 
which the various descriptions of boroughs in this 
kingdom were influenced, and seduced fiom their^real 
and direct duty ? ^ 

^' Having mentioned these facts,by which experience 
came in aid of reason, to convince him of the ir. ade- 
quacy of representation, he conceived it would be per- 
fectly needless for him to enter into any argument to 
prove the necessity there was for a reform in this par- 
ticular. He was convinced that every gentleman 
would acknowledge the truth of this fact, however they 
might differ about the means of accomphshing it ; or 
about the delicacy with which they ought to meddle in 
any shape with the constitution. He begged leave to say, 
that there was not a man in that house v/ho had more 
reverence for the constitution, and more respect, even 
for its vestiges, than himself — But he was afraid that 
the reverence and the enthusiasm which Englishmea 
entertained for the constitution, would, if not suddenly 
prevented, be the means of destroying it; for such was 
their enthusiasm, that, they would not even remove its 
defects, for fear of touching its beauty. He admired 
the one so much, so great was his reverence for the 
beauties of that constitution, that he wished to remove 
those defects, as he clearly perceived that they were 
defects which altered the radical principle of the con- 
stitution, and it would not be innovation, as he had 
said, but recovery of constitution, to remove them : 
gentlemen v.'ere ready to acknowledge the truth of this, 
but they stopped, from the difficulty of accomplishing 
the necessary reform. Many propositions had been 
made from different quarters, towards this great na^ 
tional object. In particular it had been said that the 

5 



44 LITE OF THE LATE 

purity and independence of parliament would be tlie 
most easily accomplished, and the most effectually by 
annihilating the corrupt influence of the crown. This 
he was ready to acknowledge as a great and powerful 
means of restoring independence and respect to parlia- 
ment, and he was happy to see that under the present 
ministry the corrupt irrfluence of the crown w^as no 
more. Its effect would not be felt during the ministry of 
a set of men who were the friends of constitutional free- 
dom. But it was the duty of parliament to provide 
for the future, and take care that in no time this se- 
cret and dark system should be revived, to contami- 
iiate the fair and honourable fabric of our government. 
This influence was of the most pernicious kind ; and 
at all times had been pointed to as the future source 
of all our miseries. It had been substituted in the 
room of wisdom, of activity, of execution, and of suc- 
cess. It was but too naturally connected with the 
extensive limits of our empire and with the broad and 
great scale upon which its operations were conducted. 
It had been truly said of this corrupt influence—.^ 
''That it had grown with our growth, and strengthen- 
ed with our strength/' Unhappily, however, for this 
country, it had not decayed with our decay, nor di- 
minished with our decrease. It bore no sympathy 
nor connection Vv'ith oi.*^' falling state; but, notwith- 
standing tlie mad impolicy of a ministry for a length 
of years, against all the consequences of a mischievous 
system, and a desolated empire. lie thanked Hea- 
ven that we had now an administration who placed 
their dependance on a more honourable basis, and who 
^•outeived nothmg more necessary or essential to the^ 



WILLIAM PITT. 45 

pernianeHt interests of their country, than the total 
overthrow and extinction of this influence. 

'' It had been thought by some, that the best means 
of effecting a more near relation between the represen- 
tatives and the people, was to take from the decayed 
and corrupt boroughs a part of their members, and add 
them to those places which had more interest and 
stake in the country. Another mode of making the 
the connection between the representative and con- 
stitution more lively and intimate, was to bring the 
former more frequently before the electors, by shorten- 
ing the duration of parliament. But all these propo- 
sitions he would beg leave for the present, to omit en- 
tirely, and to deliver the matter to the committee to 
be chosen, free from suggestions whatever, that they 
might exercise their own judgment, and collect, from 
the lights which they would receive full and complete 
information on the subject. He would therefore con- 
tent himself with saying, that having mentioned the 
manner in which he would take the liberty of propos- 
ing to institute this enquiry, he hoped he should be 
forgiven for undertaking this important business. The 
matter of complaint was clear to him; and he was 
strengthened in his opinion from the advice of some 
of the first and greatest characters in the kingdom. 
The assistance which he had received, he acknow- 
ledged with gratitude, as it fortified his mind in re- 
gard to the opinions which he had formed on the sub* 
ject. It was also the opinion of many respectable 
characters, now no more, and particularly of one 
(Lord Chatham) of whom every member in the house 
could speak with more freedom than himself. That 
person was not apt ta indulge vague and chimerical 



46 LIFE OF THE LATE 

speculations, inconsistent with practice and expedien- 
cy. He personally knew that it was the opinion of 
this persoi], that without recin-ring to first principles 
in this respect and CL^tablishing a more solid and equal 
representation of the people, by which the proper con« 
stitntional connection should be revived, this nation, 
with the best caj^acities tor grandeur and happiness of 
any on the face of the earth, must be confounded with 
the mass of those whose liberties were lost in the cor- 
ruption of the people. With regard to the time at 
w4iich he had brought it on, he was convinced that it 
was the most proper and reasonable moment that could 
be imugiued. If it had be^.n brought forward during 
an eager opposition to the measures of government, it 
miglit have been considered as the object of spite or 
peevishness ; and if, under such circumstances, they 
had prevailed, it would have been said to be carried 
■by assault. But now there was no division ofsenti- 
ment. His Majesty*s ministers respected the voice of 
the people, and were anxiously bent on the reforma- 
tion of parliament. If there was division of opinion at 
all, ii vv^as about the means of accomplishing the ob- 
ject. He concluded with moving — '' that a commit- 
.tee be appointed to enquire into the state of the repre- 
'sentation in parliament, and to repoit to the house 
their observations thereon/' 

The motion was re^jected, it must be conceived, un- 
der the present circumstances, from the prevalence of 
private interest in tliose representations which were in- 
fluenced. Perhaps the thing is impossible under the 
iiDpertections of the best of governments. Perhaps in 
My. Pitt it was intended as a test of the new adminis- 
tration. The ascertainment of either of these point? 



WILLIAM PITT. 47 

is fruitless. It is, however, to such subjects as this, 
and some which are soon to follow, that we must look 
for the character of Mr. Pitt's knowledge and elo- 
quence, and not to the mere expatiations of party on 
points wiuch are necessary t© any purpose. 

The death of the Marquis of Rockingham, how- 
ever, put an end to this speculation, and placed Mr. 
Pitt in the situatior: for which he w^as designed, and to 
the attainment of qualifications for which, had been 
the employment of his life. On the 10th of July, 
(1782) being then two months more than twenty- 
three years ot age, he became Chancellor of the Exche- 
quer, and Lord Shelbuine First Lord of the Trea- 
sury.^ 



* The new arrangements ran thus : — 

Earl of Shelburu6, First Lord of the Treasur3\ 

Hon. William Pitt, Chancellor of the Exchequer. 

Lord Grantham, and 

-'I'honia^ rownshend, Esq. principal Secretaries of State. 

Lord Thurlow, Lord Cluincellor. 

Lord Keppel, First Lord of the Admirahy. 

Lord Camden, President of the Council. 

Puke of Grafton, Lord Privj^ Seal. 

Duke of Richmond, ^.laster-General of the Ordnance. 

Lord Ashburton, Chancellor to the Duchy of Lancaster. 

Sir George Yonge, Secretary at War. 

Henry Dundas, Esq. (afterwards Lord MeivlHe) Treasurer of 
the Navy. 

Colonel Barre, Paymaster of the Forces. 

Lloyd Kenyon^ Esq. (afterwards Lord Kenyon) Attorney- 
General. 

John Lee, Esq. Solicitor-General. 

Earl Temple, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. 

Hon. W^illiam Wyndhara Grenville (afterwards Lord Gren'» 
TiUe) Secretary to Ditto. 



48 a.IF£ OF THE LATE 

The cause of this sudden change has been various- 
ly endeavoured to be accounted for, with a surprize 
rather arising from its unexpected occurrence than the 
existence of doubt upon the subject. The very sudden 
change in the principle of government during the last 
administration from that of Lord North to one entire- 
ly popular rendered more glaring by recent contest, 
could not fail to render the crown jealous of its pre- 
rogative, and timid of bold speculative projects. The 
Earl of Shelburne though a mtjmber of the same ad- 
ministration (principal secretary) had opinions widely 
different in several respects from his colleagues. That 
experienced nobleman knew too well the danger of ex- 
periment in the passions of mankind, and even too 
li'equently of applying generous principles to the com- 
plicated policy of modern states. From this principle 
it was his lordship's opinion that the acknowledgment 
of American independance ought to be held out as a 
boon towards the attainment of peace, than given 
freely as a previous object of conciliation. It is there- 
fore not wonderful that the sovereign should desire to 
place that nobleman in a more ostensible situation 
when an opportunity offered in its vacancy, when in 
doing it, also^ the pov^^er of those who had made sue h 
strides in innovation in so short a period, would be cur- 
tailed ; since the amiable marquis who had deceased, 
any more than the Duke of Portland to whom the mi- 
nistry looked to supply his place, could not be consi- 
dered as acting vyith that dignity of independence 
which'their high situation demands. 

Mr. Fox, whose open and generous temper could 
not conceal the emotions of his heart, immediately 
evinced his recognition of this point, by requiring bis 



WILLIAM PTTT. 49 

dismissal on (he new arrangements. *' Then I hope 
your Majesty can dispense with my services/^ said he. 
Ti.e sovereign, who knew as well how to support the 
dignity of his conduct, when he had acted, as to judge 
of the fitnesss of his new appointment, answered 
with equal promptness, ^' Certainly, Sir, if they are the 
least irksome/' The friends of ^Ir. Fox followed his 
example, and made way for a still more ample change 
than that to which they at first objected. 

From the tendency of the measures which had oc- 
cupied the Rockingham administration, it was natu- 
rajly to be expected tliat its fall would be accompanied 
with a very general regret. Abuses of the new mini- 
sters, with allusion to the youth of Mr. Pitt and the 
buck, stairs were equally general. That good sense, 
liowever, which has never entirely forsaken the coun- 
try, enabled the necessity of the measure to be per- 
ceived, and reco-ncifed the change when it was neces- 
sary. 

The first session of Mr. Pitt's ministry opened on 
the 5th of December, with a speech of unusual length, 
ai.d great perspicuity, in which the cessation of hos- 
tilities with America was announced, and was censured 
by all the malice of party. The youth of the minister 
was even here an object of prevalent censure, to which 
Mr. Pitt replied, by admitting its exceptionable qua- 
lity to that high office ; but at the samc\timej it was a 
*' calamity" which time would constantly remove; he 
hoped the system of his conduct would, in some mea- 
sure, obviate the objection. He then made a manly 
and explicit declaration of his sentiments. 

On the 17th of Februaiy, (1783) however, on the 
debate of the preliminary articles of peace^ Mr, Pitt, 

NO. 12. E 



^0 LIFE OF THE LATE 

in turn, became the aggressor. In answering tbfr 
speakers ag;dnst the address, he particularly singled 
out iMr. Sheridan, on whom he gave way to a perso- 
nality not unnatural to-the relative situation of the 
parties. ** No man," said he, *^ admired more than 
he did the abilities of that right honourable gentle- 
man, the elegant sallies of his thought, the gay effu- 
sions of his fancy, his dramatic turns, and his epi- 
grammatic points ; and if they were reserved for the 
proper stage, they would no doubt receive, what the 
honourable gentleman's abilities did always receivo, 
— the plaudits of the audience ; and it would be his 
fortune, 

" Sui plausu gaudere theatri.'* 

But this was not the proper scene for the exhibition of 
these elegancies ; aud he therefore, must beg leave to 
call the attention of the house to tljcir serious con- 
sideration of the very important question then before 
them. 

*' The clamours excited against the peace were loud 
in proportion to their injustice; and it was generally the 
case, that where men complained without cause, they 
complained without temper. It was necessary to look 
back, notwithstanding all that the hon. gentleman on the 
other side of the way had said, to the language of that 
house, and to the sentiments of that house on this very 
subj<»*ct. Had they forgot the resolutions of last session, 
by which ministers were bound to recognize the indepen- 
dence of America ? Had they considered, that the reso- 
lutions, in Vi'liich he had for one most heartily concurred, 
took at the same time from ministers their advantage 
ground iu negociation ; and deprived them of the op- 



WILLIAM PITT. 51 

poftynily of proposing independence as a boon to he 
conceded, as a matter to be offered, as a price, or as 
the basis of peace ? Had they forgot the application 
made by the right honourable gentleman over the way, 
(Mr. Fox) to the Dutch, an application couched in 
terms, to his feeling, more degrading tlum any con- 
cession in the present peace ? Had they forgot the 
language of that day, when we are told, that we mu?t 
have peace on any terms : peace for a year, for a day, 
just to give us a little breathing time ? Were not these 
things to be remembered ? Or were they to be told, that 
times and circumstances were so completely changed, 
that what would have been desirable then, would not be 
so now ? Were the circun^stances so materially chang- 
ed ? Yes, they were ; for these opinion* were given and 
these assertions made when the right honourable gen- 
tleman was in office, and when the task of making 
peace was likely to fall upon his own head. This was 
the change; this was the material alteration of cir- 
cumstances which bad taken place, and which now 
called for different conditions. The right honourable 
gentleman was no longer in place; he was nc^ longer- 
responsible for the terms, and therefore the circum- 
stances were changed." 

But to shew that there was no otker change of cir- 
cumstances, he went into a long and particular detail 
of the relative situation of the belligerent powers — 
their strength, their resources, their objects, and their 
prospects, deducing from this the inference, that it was 
absolutely and indispensably necessary for this coun- 
try to have peace, and that under all the circumstan- 
ces of the nation at the time, the terms which we had 
procured were fair and advantageous. That he might 
e2 



52 LIFE OF THE LATE 

prove this to be the case, he examined the articles 
and spoke particularly to the points which had bctu 
complained of — the boundaries of Canada^ the fishery 
of Newfoundland, the cession of the Floridas, the 
abandonment of the loyalists and the otiier topics^ 
vvhicli had engaged the attention of the house; recom* 
mending them to temper and moderation, and spurn- 
ing at all unseasonable and invidious schemes of op* 
position, in a moment so calamitous and alarming to 
the state. 

With respect to the unnatural alliance which itv;as 
reported had taken place. — Mr. Pitt said, ** it was un- 
doubtedly to be reckoned one of the wonders of the 
age. It \vas not easy to reduce such an event to any 
common rule of judging of men. It stretched to a 
point of political apostacy, which not only astonished 
so young a man as he was, but apparently astoiiisbad 
and confounded the most veteran observers of the 
human heart/' lie was excessively severe on this 
junction, and spoke in roost pointed terms of reproach. 

It is but fair to add, the retort of Mr, Sheridan to 
the personal alUisions towards him— In rising to ex- 
plain, that gentleman said, ^' On the particular sort 
of personahty, which the right honourable gentlemaa 
had thought proper to make use of, he need not, 
make any comment— the propriety, the taste, the 
gentlemanly point of it, must have been obvious 
to the house. But," said Mr. Sheridan, '' let me assure 
the right honourable gentleman, that I do now, and 
will at any time he chooses to repeat this sort of allu- 
sion, meet it with the most sincere good-humour. 
May, I will say more— flattered and encouraged by 
the ri.crht honourable gentleman's panegyric on my ta- 



WILLIAM PITT, 53 

lents, if ever I again engage in the compositions he 
alludes to, I may be tempted to an act of presumption 
-—to attempt an improvement on one of Ben JonsoiV?T 
best characters—the character of the Angry Boy in the 
Akhymist.^' 

With regard to the "junction'* alluded tG, with so* 
much point in Mr. Pitt's speech, the public was no 
less astonished, nor was the high popularity of Mr. 
Fox more than proof to the shock it occasioned. 
• This was no less than a coalition brought about by 
Mr. Burke, between Mr. Fox, himself, and colleagues, 
the violent opposers of all the principles of that noble- 
man, with Lord North, and his former supporters. 
It is accounted for by the private friendship between 
Mr. Burke and Lord North, and the original connec- 
tion between him and Mr. Fox, but by such minute 
and remote admissions ai:rd reasonings, there is no 
crime which may not be palliated*. 

On the 21st of February the subject of the prelimi- 
naries was resumed. Several resolutions of censure 
being moved by Lord John Cavendish, i\lr. Fox in a 
loiig and nervous speech, but replete with the venom 
of party, supported them, Mr. Pitt now rose, as if^ 
to make ample ameiids for the littleness of the preced- 
ing personality, he soared to the highest pitch of gran- 
deur and sense in the fjllowing terms : • 

** Sir — Revering as I do the great abilities of the ho- 
nourable gentleman (Mr. Fox) who spoke last, I 
lament, in common with the house, when those abi- 
lities are misemployed, as on the present question, to 
inflame the imagination, and mislead the jud<^^nent. 
I am told, Sir, ' he does not envy me the triumph of 
my situation on this day:' a sort of language which 
£ 3 



54 LIFE OF THE LATE 

becoiTes the candour of that right honourable gentij'' 
man, as ill as bis present principles. The triumphs of 
party, Sir, with which this self appointed minister 
seems so higiily elatCi, shall never seduce me to any in- 
consistency which the busiest suspicion shall presume 
to glance at. I will never engage in political enmities 
without a public cause. I will never forego such en- 
mities without the public approbation ; nor will 1 be 
questioned and cast nff in the face of this hoi/^e, by one 
virtuous and dissatisfied friend,'*' These, Sir, the sober 
and durable triumphs of reason over the weak and pro* 
fiigate inconsistencies of party violence — these, Sir, 
the steady triumphs of virtue over success itself shall 
be mine, not only in my present situation but through 
every future condition of my life : triumphs which no 
length of time shall diminish, which no change of prin- 
ciples shall ever sully. 

'* The fatal consequences of Tuesday's vote, which I 
then deprecated and foretold, is already manifest in 
this house, and it has been thought on all sides requi- 
site, to give a new stability to the peace, which that 
vote had already shaken. But the proof which the 
present motion is about to establish, that zve are deter- 
mined to abide hy this peace, is a declaration that we 
have examined the terms, and have found them in-- 
adequate. Still less consistent is this extraordinary- 
motion with the language of Tuesday. It was then 
urged, that no sufficient time had been allowed us to 
determine on the articles before us ; and in the short 
space of two days, w^e are ready to pass a vote of 



\ 



* Supposed to allude to Sir Cecil Wray, Mr.jrowy?, 6cc> 



WILLIAM PITT. 55 

censure on wliat we declare we have not liad leisure 
to discuss. This, Sir, is the first monstrous produc- 
tion of that strange alliance which threatens once more 
to plunge this devoted country into all the horrors of 
another war. 

" It is not, Sir, an exception to any single article, if 
well founded exceptions should really exist, thai ought 
to determine the merits of this treaty. Private inte- 
rests have their respective advocates, and subjects 
may be easily found for partial complaints ; but pri- 
vate interests must bend to public safety. What these 
complaints may prove, is indeed yet unknown : for 
whilst the honourable gentleman alone is describing 
with so much confidence the distresses and dissatisfac- 
tion of trade, she herself is approaching the throne 
with effusions of gratitude and affection. The ho- 
nourable gentleman who spoke last, has fairly stated 
the terms by which the merits of this peace are to be 
decided— f>^e relative strengtJi and resources of the re- 
spective powers at 7var, I will immediately meet him 
on this issue. 

*' I shall begiuj Sir, with a most important subject^ 
the state of the British navy ; and shall refer myself for 
proofs of what I assert to the papers now lying on your 
table. This appeal, Sir, to solid and authentic do- 
cuments, will appear the more just and necessary when 
I acquaint the house, that a noble lord (LordKeppel) 
from whom the honourable gentleman professes to re- 
ceive his naval information, has varied in his state- 
ments to the cabinet, no less than twenty sail of the 
line. 

" We are informed, Sir, from the papers before us^ 
that the British force amounted nearly to one hundred 



56 LIFE OF THE LATB 

sail of the line, many of these had been long and ac- 
tively employed on foreign stations. With diligent 
exertions six new ships would have been added to the 
catalogue in IMarch. The force of France and Spain 
amounted to nearly one hundred and forty sail of the 
line, sixty of which were lying in Cadiz harbour, 
stored and victualled for immediate service. Twelve 
ships of the line, including one newly built by the 
United States, bad quitted Boston harbour under 
Vaudreuil, in a state of perfect repair. An immense 
land armament was collected at St. Domingo. Their 
several forces were united in one object, and that ob- 
ject was the reduction of Jamaica. Who, Sir, can 
suppose with serious confidence, that island could 
have long resisted a regular attack supported by se- 
venty-two sail of the line ? Admiral Pigot, after his 
reinforcement from Europe, would have commanded 
a fleet of only forty-six sail, and it has long been ac- 
knowledged in this house, that defensive war ymtst ter-- 
minute in certain ruin. Would Admiral Pigot have 
undertaken at this time ottensive operations against 
the islands of the enemy ? — Those islands upon which 
Lord Rodney flushed with victory, could not venture 
to attempt an. impression. Would Admiral Pigot,. 
Sir, have regained by arms what the ministers have 
recovered by treaty ? Could //e, in the sight of a su- 
perior fleet, have recaptured Grenada, Dominique, 
St. Kitt's, Nevis, and Montserrat ? Or might we not 
too reasonably apprehend the campaign in the West 
Indies would have closed with the loss of Jamaica it- 
self, the remnant of our possessions in that part of tb» 
globe ? 



WILLIAM PITT. Oi 

" Let us next consider our situation in the ^?ast. A 
mere defensive resistance, however glorious had en° 
titled Sir Edward Hughes to the thanks of this house ; 
but his success, if it may be termed a victory, had 
not prevented the enemy from landing a greater Eu- 
ropfan force than we actually possess in India^ and 
who, at this instant, are, in conjunction with Hyderj 
subduing and desolating the Carnatic. 

*' The prospect is by no means brightened when we 
look for<vard to the probable operations in the channel 
and in the r.orthern seas, during the course of the en- 
suing summer. Thirteen new sail of the line would 
at thai time have been added to the fleet of France; 
and the Dutch force, as it has been accurately stated 
by a great naval officer (Commodore Keith^tuaft) iti 
\Xm debate would havi amounted to twenty-fivi sail 
of tha \m^.* What accfsiion the Spanish forca would 
hava raeaivid \% not i^aifficiantly known. It is enough 
for ma to state, the flaeis of Bourbon and of Holland 
would hava doublad ours in our own geas. Sliould 
we have sailed the intervals of their cruize, and poorly 
paraded the channel for a few weeks, to tarnish again, 
by flight, the glories of the last campaign ? Or should 
we have dared to risk the existence of the kingdom 
Itself, by engaging against such fearful odds ? 

*■ What were the leeHngs of every one who hears 
me, (what were my own feelings it is impossible to 
describe) when that great man, Lord Id owe, set sail 
with our only fleet ; inferior to the enemy, and under 
a probability of an engagement on their own coasts ? 
My apprehensions. Sir, on this occasion, however 
great, were mixed with hope; I knew the superiority 
of British skill, and courage might outweigh the in* 



'SS LIFE OF THE LATE 

equality of numbers. But, Sir, in another quarter^ 
and at the same instant of time, my apprehension^ 
were unmixed with a ray of comfort. The Baltic 
fleet, almost as valuable as Gibraltar itself, fur it con- 
tained all tl;e materials of future war, wa- on its way 
to England, and twelve sail ol the Ime had been sent! 
out from the ports of Holland to intercept them: Gib- 
raltar was relieved by a skill and courage that baffled 
superior numbers; and the Baltic fleet was, I know 
liot how, miraculously preserved. One power in- 
deed, the honourable gentleman had omitted in /iis de- 
tail : — But the Dutch, Sir, had not been disarmed by 
the humiliating language of that gentleman's ministry. 
They were warmed into more active exertions and were 
just beginning to feel their own strength. They were 
not only about to defend themselves with effect, but to 
lend ten sail to the fleets of France and Spain. Here, 
Sir, let us pause for a nionient of serious and solemn 
consideration ! 

" Should the ministers have persevered, from day 
to day, to throw the desperate die, whose successes 
had won us only a barren, though glorious safety; and 
whose failure in a single cast would sink us into hope- 
less ruin ? However fondly the ideas of national ex- 
pectation had diffused themselves amongst the people, 
the ministers, Sir, could entertain no rational hopes. 
Those columns of our strength, which many honour- 
able gentlemen had raised With so much fancy, and 
decorated witli so much invention, the ministers bad 
surveyed with the eye of sober reason, I am sorry to 
say, we discovered the fabric of our naval superiority 
to be visionary and baseless. ^ 



WILLIAM PITT. 59 

" I shall next, with submission to the right honour- 
able gentleiiian who presides in that department, 
state, in few words, the situation of the army. It is 
notorious to every gentleman who hears me, that new 
levies could scarcely be torn, on any terms, from this 
depopulated country. It is knovrn to professional 
men how great is tiie difference between the nominal 
and etf(^ctive state of that service; and, astoni.-hing as 
it may appear, after a careful enquiry, three thousand 
men were the utmost force that .could have been safely 
sent from this country on any offensive duty. But I 
an told, Sir, the troops from New York would have 
sut)plied us with a force equal to the demands of every 
intended expedition. The foreign troops in that gar- 
rison we had no power to embark on any other than 
American service ; and, in contradiction to the ho- 
nourable gentleman who spoke last, and to that noble 
lord whose language he affects to speak in this house, 
no transports had been prepared, or could have been 
assembled, iot their embarkation. Where, Sir, should 
they have directed their course when they were at 
length embarked, but into the hazard of an enemy's 
i1eet, which would have cruized with undisputed su- 
periority in every part of the western world. 

" No pressure of public accusation, nor heat of in- 
nocence in its own defence, shall ever tempt me to 
disclose a single circumstance w hich may tend to hu- 
miliate my country. What 1 am about to say will be- 
tray no secret of state; it is known, for it is felt 
throughout the nation. There remains, at this instant, 
exclusive of the annual services, an unfunded debt of 
tbirty millions. — Taxes, Sir, the most flattering, have 
again and again been tried, and, instead of revenue 

3 



60 LIFE OF THE LATE 

from themselves, have frequently produced a failure 
in others, with which they had been found to sympa- 
thize. But here, Sir, 1 am told by the honourable 
gentleman who spoke last, other juifions would hate 
Jelt an equal distress. Good God ! to what a conse- 
quence does the honourable gentleman lead us T— 
Should T, Sir, have dared to advise a continuance of 
war, which endangered the bankruptcy of public faith ; 
a bankruptcy which would have almost dissolved the 
bonds of government, and involved the state in the 
confusion of a general ruin ? Sliould 1 have ventured 
to do this, because one of the adverse powers might 
have experienced an equal distress ? 

'^ The honourable gentleman who spoke last, has 
amused the house witli various statements, on the 
different principles of uti possidetis and restitution. 
The principle of those statements is as false as it is un- 
expected .from him. Did his great naval friend ac- 
quaint him with the respective values of Dominique^ 
and St. Lucia?— that lord, who in his Majesty's coun- 
cils had advised, and perhaps wisely, a preference of 
the former. The value of Dominique, Sir, was better 
known to our enemies ; and the immense sums em- 
ployed by ibem in fortifying that island, prove, as 
well its present value, as their desire to retain it. 
That honourable gentleman has, on all occasions, 
spoke with approbation of the last peace : Was St, 
Lucia left in our bauds by that peace, the terms of 
which we ourselves prescribed ^ — Or was St. Lucia 
really impregnable as to endanger all our possessions 
at the commencement of the present war ? 

'^ It would be needless for me to remind the honour- 
able gentleman who spoke last of any declarations he 



WILLIAM PITT. 



6l 



had made in a preceding session : professions from 
kim so antiquated and obsolete, would have but little 
weight in this house. But I will venture to reqaire 
constancy for a single week, and shall rtmuid him of 
his declaration in Monda}^'^ debate, ' thai this peace 
was preferable to a continuance of the ^^ar/ Wi'l he 
then criminate his majesty's mnn^ters by h. 
motion for preferring what he would have p: ererrea t 
Or how will he presuQ:ie to prove, thai, if better terms 
could have been olMaiued, it was less their ii^terest 
than their duty to have obtained them. 

" Was this peace, Sir^ concluded with the same in- 
decent levity, that the honourable gentleman would 
proceed to its condemnation ? Many days ?)nd nights 
were laboriously employed by his Majesty's ministers 
in such extensive, negociations ; — many doubts were 
well weighed and removed — and weeks and months of 
solemn discussion gave birth to that peace, wi)ich we 
are required to destroy without examinatioi; ; that 
peace, the positive ultimatum from France, and to 
which I solemnly assure/ the public there was no other 
alternative but a continuance of the v.'ar. 

'^ Could the ministers, thus surround d with scenes 
of ruin, atl'ect to dictate the terms of peace ? And aie 
these articles seriously compared- with the peace oC 
Paris ? There was, indeed, a time when Great Bri- 
tain might have met her enemies on other conditions ; 
and if an imagination, warmed with the power and 
glory of this country, could have directed any mem- 
ber of his Majesty*3 councils from a painful inspection 
of the truth, I might, 1 hope, without presumption, 
have been entitled to that indulgence. 1 feel. Sir, at 
thij^ instant, how much i had been aninjated in my 
NO. to, F 



62 LIFE OF THE LATE 

childhood by a recital of England's victories :— I was 
taught, Sir, by one whose memory I shall ever revere,, 
that at the close of a war, far different indeed from 
this, she had dictated the terms of peace to submissive 
nations. This, in which 1 place something more than 
a common interest, w^as the memorable aera of Eng- 
Jand's glory. But that asra is past: she is under the 
awful and mortifying necessity of employing a language 
that corresponds with her true condition ; the visions 
of her power and pre-eminence are passed away. 

" PVe hare achwrvkdged American independance — 
that, Sir, was a needless form : the incapacity of the 
iioble lord who conducted our affairs ; the events of 
war, and even a voice of this house had already grant- 
ed what it was impossible to withhold. 

** We have ceded Florida-^^Ve have obtained Provi- 
dence and the Bahama islands. 

** JFe have ceded an extent of fishery on the coast of 
Newfonndland — We have established an exclusive right 
to the most valuable banks. 

" JFe have restored St. Lucia and given up Tobago^— 
We have regained Grenada, Dominica, St. Kitts, 
Nevis, and Montserrat, and we have rescued Jamaica 
from her impending danger. In Africa we have ceded 
Goree, the grave of our countrymen ; and we possess 
Senegambia, the best and most healthy settlement. 

" In Europe tee have relinquished Minorca—kept up 
an immense and useless expence in peace, and never 
tenable in war. 

" JFe have likexcise permitted his most Christian Ma- 
jesty to repair his harbour of Dunkirk— The humiliating 
clause for its destruction was inserted. Sir, after other 
wars than the past. But the immense expence attend- 



WILLIAM PITT* 63 

ing its repair, will still render this indulgence useless ; 
add to this that Dunkirk was first an object of oar 
jealousy when ships were constructed far inferior to 
their present draught. That harbour, at the com- 
mencement of the war admitted ships of a single deck ; 
no act or expence will enable it to receive a fleet of 
the line, 

" In the East Indies, where alone we had power to 
obtain this peace, we have restored what was useless 
to ourselves, and scarcely tenable in a continuance of 
the w^ar. 

^^ That we hate abandoned the unhappi/ loyalists to thdr 
Implacable enemies— \J\i\\e, Sir, are those unhappy men 
befriended by such a language in this house ; nor shall 
we give much assistance to their cause, or add stability 
to the reciprocal confidence of the two states, if we 
already impute to Congress a violence and injustice 
which decency forbids us to susprct. Would a con- 
tinuation of the war liave been justified, on the single 
principle of assisting these unfortunate mf^n ? Or 
would a continuance of the war, if so justified, have 
procured them a moie certain indemnily ? Their 
hopes mu*^t have been rendered 'de.-iperate indeed by 
addiiional distresses of Britain ; those hopes aIhcU 
ar'.^. now revived by the timely aid of peace and recon- 
ciliation. 

*• T hese are the ruinous conditions to which this 
country engaged with four powerful states, and ex- 
hausted in all its resources, thought fit to sui^sciibe, 
for the dissolution of that alliance, and t]:e immediate 
enjoyment of peace. Let us examine what is left, 
with a manly and determined courage. Let us 
fe^rengthew ourselves against inveterate euemies, aiul. 



64 LIFE OF THE LATE 

reconciliate our antient friends. The misfortunes of 
individuals and of kingdoms, that are laid open and 
examined with true wisdom, are more than half re* 
dressed ; and to this great object should be directed 
all the virtues and abilities of this house. Let us feel 
our ca'laaiities— -Jet us bear them too, like men. 

*' But, Sir, J fear 1 have too long engaged your at- 
tention to no real purpose : and that the public safety 
is this day risked without a blush, by the malic« and 
disappointment of faction. The honourable gentleman 
who spoke last, has declared with that sort of consisten- 
cy which marks his conduct, 'Because he is prevented 
from prosecuting the noble lord in the blue ribbon to 
the satisfaction of public justice, he will heartily em» 
brace him as his friend/ So readily does he recon- 
cile extremes, and love the man whpm he wished to 
persecute ! With the same spirit, Sir, I suppose he 
vvili cherish this peace ioo— because he abhors it, 

** But 1 will not hesitate to surn/ise, from the ob* 
vious compiection of this night's debate, that it ori- 
ginates rather in an inclination to force the Earl of 
Shelburne from the treasury than in any real convic- 
tion that ministers deserve the censure for the conces- 
sions they have made ; concessions, which, from the 
facts I have enumerated, and the reasoning I have 
stated as arising from these facts, are the obvious re- 
sult of an absolute necessity, and imputable, not so 
much to those of whom the present cabinet is compos- 
ed, as to that cabinet of which the noble lord in tlie 
blue ribbon was a member. This noble earl, like 
every other person eminent for ability, and acting iu 
the rirst department of a great state is undoubtedly 
&a object of envy to some, as well as of admiration ttt 



WILLIAM PITT. 65 

otliers. The obloquy to which hiscapacity and situation 
have raised hiin has been created and circulated with 
equal meanness and address : but his merits are as much 
above my panegyric, as the arts, to which he owes his de- 
famation are beneath my attention. AVhen, stripped of 
his power and emoluments, he once more descends to 
private life without tl^e invidious appendages of place, 
men will see him tha'ough a different medium, and 
perceive in him qualities which richly entitle him to 
their esteem. That official superiority which at pre- 
sent irritates their feelings and that capacity of con- 
ferring good offices on those he prefers, which ail men 
are fond of possessing, will not then be any obstacle 
to their making an impartial estimate of his character* 
But notwithstanding a sincere predilection for this no- 
bleman, vvhom I am bound by every tie to treat 
with sentiments of delerence and regard, I am far 
from wishing him retained in power against the public 
approbation ; and if his removal can be innocently 
effected, if lie can be compelled to resign without en- 
tailing all those mischiefs which seemed to be involved 
in the resolution now moved, great as his zeal for his 
country is, powerful as his abilities are, and earnest and 
assiduous as his endeavors have been to rescue the Bri- 
tish empire from the difficulties that oppress her, 1 ain 
persuaded he will retire, firm in the dignity of his own 
mind, conscious of his iiaving contributed to the public 
advantage, and, if not attended by the fulsome plaudits 
of a mob, possessed of that substantial and permanent 
satisfaction which arises from the lia.bitual approbation 
of an upright mind. I know hnn well; and, dismiss 
him from the confidence of his soveieign, aud the bu- 
smess of state when you please, to this transcendant 
F 3 



66 LIFE OF THE LATE 

consolation he has a title, which no accident can in* 
\alid^te or affect. It is the glorious reward of doing 
well, of acting an honest and honourable part. By 
the difficulties he encountered on his accepting the 
reins of government, by the reduced situation in which 
he found the state of the nation, and by the perpetual 
turbulence of those who thought his elevation effected 
at their ex pence, he has certainly earned it dearly • 
and with such a solid understanding, and so much 
goodness of heart as st^imp his character, he is in no 
danger of losing it. Nothing can be a stronger proof 
that his enemies are eager to traduce than tlje frivo- 
lous grounds on which they affect to accuse him. An 
action, which reflects a lustre on his attention to the 
claims of merit,* has yet been improved into a fault in 
his conduct. A right honourable gentleman who had 
exhausted his strei^gth in the service of the state, and 
to whose )ear3 and infirmities his absence from parlia- 
ment can only be attrvbu:ed, owes to the friendship 
and interference of the noble earl a pension, which 
howe\e: adequate to all his necessities and conveni- 
ence in the evening of life, is no extraordinary com- 
pensation for the public spirit which has unifoimly 
mariried hi:5 pai.iair.entary conduct. Surely the abili* 
ties and virtues of this veteran soldier and respectable 
senator, df3s:ervei scm^^ at knowiedgnent from that 
community in which ihey lave b( en so often and so 
m.aifully extrTted. Surely his ags entitled him to a 
little repose in the lap of that public lo whose wel- 
fare his youth had been dtdicated. Surely, that prin- 

f Alludij:^ to Uie pension granttd to Cploael jBair^. 
3 



WILLIAM PITT. 67 

ciple of humanity, which stimulates those in power ta 
commi- erate in this manner the situat^.on of neglected 
merit, possesses a nobleness, a generosity, a benevo- 
lence, which, instead of inclining the censure of any, 
out^ht to command tne veneration and oraise of ail. 

o 

'' 1 repeat then, Sir, that it is not this treaty, it is 
the Earl of Shelburne aloiiC whom the movrrs of this 
question are desirous to wonnd. This is the ohject - 
which has raised this storm of faction; this is the 
aim of the unnatural ccaliiion to which I have alluded. 
If, howevt^r, the baneful alliance is not already form- 
ed, if this ill-omened marr i ige is not aheady solem- 
nized, I know aju"5t and lawful impediment, and in 
the name of the pnblu* safety I hdre Jo^'bid the banns, 

*' My own share m liie cen-nre, pointed by the 
motion before the house against his Maji sty s minis- 
ters, I will bear with fort tude, because mv own heart 
tells me, I have not act^d wrong. To th:s m -nuor^ 
v;ho never did, and, I trust, never will deceive me, 
I will confidently repair, as to an adequate asyhnn 
from all the clamour which inieiested faction can 
raise. I was not very eager to come in, I shall have 
no great reluctance to go out, whenever the public 
are disposed to dismiss me from their service. It has 
been the great object of my short official existence to 
do the duties of my station with all the ability and ad- 
dress in my power, and wiih a fidehty and honour 
which should bear me up, and give me ccnudence, 
under every possible contingency or disappointment. 
lean say with smcerity, I never had a wish which did 
not terminate m the dearest interests of the nation. 
1 will at the same time imitate the honourable gentle- 



6B LIFE OF THE LATE 

Blanks candour, and confess, thai I too, have my am* 
bition. High situation and great influence, are de- 
sirable objecte> to most men, and objects which I am 
not ashani^d to pursue, \vhich lam even solicitous to 
possess, whenever ihey can be acquired with hononr 
and letamt d with dignity. On these respectdbie con- 
ditions, 1 am noc less ambitious to be great and 
powerful than it is natural lor a young man with such 
brilliant examples before him, to be. But even these 
objects I am not ( eneath reHnquishing, the moment 
Hiy duty to my country, ny character, and friends, 
renders such a sacrilice indispensable. Ihen 1 hope 
to retire, not disappointed, but triumphant, triumphant 
in the convict 'on thatniy taleuts, humble as they are, 
have been eainestlv, zealously, and strenuously em- 
plov^d to the best of my apprehension, in promoting 
the truest welfare of my country, and that, however, 
I may stand chargeable wifh weakness of uiidersiand- 
ing, or error of judgment, nothing can be impuced to 
my official capacity which bears the most distant con- 
nection with an interested, a corrupt, or a dishonest 
intention. But it is not any part of my plan, when 
the time [shall come, that I quit my present statioa 
to threaten the repose of my coi ntry, and erect like 
the honourable gentleman a fortress and a refuge for 
disappointed ambition. The self created and self ap** 
pointed successors to the present administration, liave 
asserted with much confidence, that this is likely to 
be the case. 1 can assure them, however, when they 
come from that side of the house to this, i vill for 
one most readily and cordially accept (he e^thaige; 
the only desire I should indulge and cferish On the 
subject is, that the service of the pubhc may be ably 



WILLIAM PITT. 6^ 

disinterestedly, and faithfully perfomieJ. To those 
who feel for their country as 1 wish to do, and wiU 
strive to do, it matters little who are out or in ; but it 
matters much that her affairs be conducted with wis- 
dom, with firmness, with dignity, and ci edit. Those 
entrusted to my care, I will resign, 'let me hope, into 
the hands of those much better qualified to do them 
justice than mine. But J will not mimic the parade 
of the honourable gentleman, in avowing an indis- 
criminate opposition to whoever may be appointed to 
succeed. I will march oat with no warhke> no hos* 
tile, no menacing protestations ; but hoping the new 
administration will have no other object in view than 
the real and substantial welfare of the community at 
large ; that they will bring with them into office those 
truly public and patriotic principles which they for- 
merly held, but which they abandoned in opposition ; 
that they will save the btaie and promote the great 
purpose^sof public good, with as much itaadiness, in* 
tegrity, and solid advantage, as I am confident it must 
one day appear tha Earl of Shelburna and hi^ col- 
leagues hava done, I promise tham, baforeh^nd, my 
uniform and best support on tjvery occaiion, wher^ I 
can honestly and conscientiously assist them, 

** In short, Sir, whatever appears diiihonourabla 
or inadequate in tlie peace on your table, is strictly 
chargeable to the noble lord in the blue ribbcn, 
whose profusion of the public*s money, whose noto- 
rious temerity and obstinacy in prosecuting the war, 
which originated in his pernicious and oppressive po- 
licy, and whose utter incapacity to fill the station ha 
occupied, rendered peace of any description mdispen-^ 
»able to the preservation of the state. The small pavj 



70 LIFE OF THE LATE 

which fell to my s^iare in that ignominious transaction 
was divided with a set of men, whom the dispassionate 
pubhc must, on reflection, unite to honour. Un- 
used as I am to the factious and jarring clamours of 
this day's debate,^! look up to the independant part of 
the house, and to the public at large, if not for that 
impartial approbation which my conduct deserves, 
at least for that acquittal from blame to which my in- 
nocence entitles me. I have ever been most anxious 
to do my utmost for the interest of my country ; it has 
been my sole concern to act en honest and upright 
part, and I am disposed to think €^vefy instance of my 
official department will bear a fair and honourable 
construction. With these intentions I ventured for- 
ward on the public attemion ; and can appeal with 
some degree of confidence to l)oth sides of the house 
for the consistency of mv {•olitical conduct. My ear- 
liest i'iipicasions were in favour of the noblest and most 
disinte) es't'd modes of serving, the public : ihes^* impres- 
sions ave stiii dear, and will, I hope, remain ever 
dear ou my ht^an : I will cht^rish them as a legacy iu- 
iOnitely m.;re valuable th* re than the greatest inheri- 
tance. On these prit)ciples alone I came into parlia- 
iDent, and n-o place ; and 1 now take the whole house 
to wiluef^^, il»at i have not been \inder the necessity 
of contiadiciuig one pubhc declaration, I have ever 
made. 

*' I an), notwiihstaricjing, at the disposal of this house, 
and with their dtcisii^n whatever it shall bt^, 1 will 
jchf erfully comply, i' is impossible to deprive me of 
those feelings wl)ich must always result from tlie sin- 
cerity of njy b<st (n leavonrs to fulfil willi integrity 
every official ei^gageiaeut ; you may take from sne, 



WILLIAM PITT. 7i 

Sir, the privileges and emoluments of place, but you 
camiot, and you shall not, take from me those habi- 
tual and warm regards for the prosperity of Great Bri- 
tain, which constitute the honour, the happiness, the 
pride of my life ; and which, I trust, death alone can 
extinguish. And with this consolation, the loss of 
power, Sir, and the loss of fortune, though I affect 
not to despise them, I hope soon I shall be able to 
forget : — — 

'' Laudo raanentem ; si celeres quatit 
Pennas, reiiguo quae dedit — 

■ probaniqiie 

Pauperiem sine dote quaeru." 

'By means of the coalition (a junction) already de- 
scribed, a majority of seventeen was obtained this day 
for censuring the terms of the peace, and the adminis- 
tration which had formed the treaty, of course con- 
sidered itself no longer in power. The resjalt was, 
however, different from what was usually expected on 
such occasions ; for, instead of the opposition imme- 
diately superseding the censured ministers, an interval 
of several weeks took place without any arrangement 
being made for the government. 

On the 24th of March, being then more than a 
month since the preceding majority was so obtained, 
Mr. Coke, member for Norfolk, took notice of this 
unhappy circumstance, and moved an address to his 
Majesty that he would be graciously pleased to com- 
ply with the wishes of the house, by forming an ad- 
ministration which should possess the confidence of the- 
country. 



/S LIFE OF THE LATE 

A week after (March 31) the Earl of Surrey (now 
Duke of Norfolk,) attracted the attention of the house 
to the same subject and called upon Mr. Pitt for an 
explanation, who answered by avowing his resigna- 
tion. 

Much tumultuous discussion prevailed on this sub- 
ject for some time. 

The sentiments of Mr, Pitt having, however, been 
chiefly delivered on the motion of Mr. Coke, they are 
here given as conducive to that general chain, which 
is wished to be preserved in his parliamentary transac- 
tions. 

On that occasion, Mr. Pitt declared, '' that he did 
- not think that the present motion was any breach oi 
the constitutional prerogative of the crown, or thai it 
had anyafrinity to what seemed to be the opinion ot 
some gentlemen, in respect to a parliamentary right of 
the commons, to interefere in a matter when the well 
being of the empire consisted in the formation of a mi- 
nistry. He had, however, to observe to the house, 
that it was a matter which required their consideration, 
whether the motion now before them v»^ould have the 
effect to which it seemingly tended. For his part, he 
said, he did not see how the address could remove tlie 
difficulties which stood in the way of forming an ad- 
ministration, supposing that address unanimously 
carried. It only went to request, that his Majesty 
would form an administration, that might have the 
confidence of the people. He wished in that case to 
know who were to be the judges of the parti'cular men 
who had the confidence of the people, and how that 
matter was to be decided. At present there did not 
appear ar.y criterion by which such an opinion could 



M^LLIAM PITT. 7o 

be formed. His Majesty was desired to appoint an 
administration, which by his royal authority he was 
already vested with power to do. He wished the no- 
ble lord in the blue ribbon, and his honourable and 
new ally to declare, upon their honour, as men^ whe- 
ther in their consciences, they believed that the ad- 
dress, if carried, would accelerate the business, or re- 
concile the militating opinions of party. He allowed 
that the empire without a government, without a mi- 
nistry, was a matter of public misfortune. The pre- 
sent situation of the kingdom, was the absence of all 
the functions of government, and the affairs of the na- 
tion were thrown into a distracted state. But he de- 
manded, whether the address moved for had any real 
intentional tendency to relieve the state, and whether 
it was not calculated for other purposes. Some peo- 
ple, he safd, could reconcile it to their minds to part 
with their old principles and adopt new ideas : how- 
ever such sentiments might agree with tried constitu-^ 
tions, and long practical habits, he was ^^et too young 
to change his opinion, and conform his iceas to the 
tide of interest, or the prevalence of party. He had 
formed one opinion, one great principle by which his 
conduct was to be regulated ; and it had in his heart 
taken such root, that he could not erase it. Gentle* 
men talked of forgiving animosities, and altering their 
political opinions with as much ease as they could 
change their gloves; that what they reprobated to 
day, they were justified in applauding to-morrow ; 
and those whom they hated, disdained, and hooted at 
in the morning, it was honourable, patriotic, and con- 
scientious, that they should take to their bosom in the 
evening. This was a maxim as yet a stranger to his 

NO. J 3. G 



74 LIFE OF THE LATE 

heart. He could not coalesce with those whose prin- 
ciples he knew to be diametrically opposite to his own ; 
because if they changed to his opinions, he could not 
depend upon them, and if he changed to theirs, ha 
must be conscious he acted against his honest judg* 
n::ent. Parties formed on such a basis could never 
long continue, lliere might be a seeming coalition of 
sentiment wiih the coalition of interest; but men who 
bad come to the years of discretion, and who well 
knew how such political marriages were made, would 
pay very little attention to the oath, by which they 
were bound, whenever they found it their interest to 
depart from it. A similarity of ideas, he said, was 
requisite to make friendship permanent, and, without 
that similarity, there could not be either public or 
private coalition that would last. He therefore 
thought it necessary to declare explicitly, that he could 
not bring himself to adopt the same mode of reason- 
ing as was held in justification of the grand coalition, 
and that his principles were such as were not adapted 
to times like the present." 

Mr. Pitt, after this declaration, that he would not 
join the coalition, asked with an air of earnestness, ** if, 
contrary to what he had heard, and contrary to what 
he believed was the general opinion, he was to under- 
stand that the noble lord in the blue ribbon, and the 
honourable gentleman, solemnly pledged themselves to 
the assertion, that an arrangement cf administration 
bad not been delayed above ten hours, or some very 
short space of time, in consequence of the difficulties 
that had arisen between the noble lord (Lord North) 
and the noble duke (Duke of Portland) respecting the 
disposition of their arranciements, and that the noble 



'\VILLIAM PITT. 75 

lord and honourable gentleman pledged themselves, 
that the whole of that arrangement had been made 
known wherever it ought to have been communicated ? 
The noble lord in the blue ribbon, had mentioned that 
he and his honourable friend {Mi\ Fox) were per- 
fectly agreed ; and yet the noble lord, publickly 
avowed that he should oppose the reform bill. Was 
this a coalition likely to exhibit a similarity of senti- 
ment for the public good, in the most essential point 
of interest for the people, the noble lord and most of 
his new friends materially differed." 

" There w^as a further point that he wished the house 
to consider; it was, to wait another day before they 
sent up the address, as it was probable an arrange- 
ment would then be foimed. lie thought this might 
be asked and granted now, with as great a degree of 
propriety as on a former day ; and he said, that he 
had so m^ reason to imagine an administration would 
be formed if not in one, at least, in two or three days. 
If gentlemen, however, differed with him in that opi- 
nion, he had no more objection to the motion than he 
had to see an honourable, honest, and permanent 
ministry formed. It was what he wished, for the wel- 
fare of the people, and for the peace and prosperity of 
the kingdom.'' 

On the 2d of April, the new, administration was 
announced, and was nearly the same as that which 
was previously intended to have taken place with the 
addition of the interest of Lord North.* It com- 



• tt was composed of the following members : — 
Duke of Portland, First Lord of the Treasury. 
Jbord North; Secretary of State for the Home D^^partmcBt. 
2 6 2 



76 LIFE OF THE LATE 

menced its operations under the most auspicious cir-t 
cumstances, and seemed formed for uncommon dura- 
tion. 

Mr. Pitt, as he had stated, was at no enmity, with 
this administration, and in consequence, while the po- 
pular measures with which it immediately commenced, 
were on foot, he brought forward a bill for regulating 
public offices, and a motion for a reform in parliament. 
On the 2d of May, after several petitions previously 
presented from different places had been read, Mr. 
Pitt rose to open the business. He declared, " that 
in his life he never felt more embarrassment, or more 
anxiety than at the present moment, when, for his 



Hon. Charles James Fox^, Secretary of State for the Foreign 
Department^ 

Lord John Cavendish, Chancellor of the Exchequer. 
Lord Viscount Kepj. 5], First Lord of the Admiralty. 
Lord Viscount Stormont, President of the Council. 
Earl of Carlisle, Lord Privy Sesl. 

Lord Loughborough, Sir William Amherst, and 
Sir Beaumont Hothara, Lords Commissioners for the custody of 
the Great Seal^ 

Lord George Townshend, Master-General of the Ordnance. 

Hon. Richard Fitzpatrick, Secretary at War. 

Edmund Burke, Esq. Paymaster-General of the Forces. 

Charles Townshend, Esq. Treasurer of the Navy. 

James Wallace, Esq. Attorney-General. 

John Lee, Esq. Solicitor-General. 

Richard Brinsley Sheridan, Esq. and 

Richard Burke, Esq. Secretaries to the Treasury. 

Earl of Mansfield, Speaker of the House of Lords. 

Earl of Northington, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. 

W- illiam Wyndhara, Esq. Secretary to Di^te. 



WILLIAM PITT. 77 

country's good, be found himself obliged to discover, 
and to lay before the house the impe/fections of that 
constitution, to which every Englishman ought to look 
up with reverential awe ; a constitution which, while 
it continued such as it was framed by our ancestors was 
truly called the production of the most consummate 
wisdom : raised by that constitution to greatness and 
glory, England had been at once the envy and pride of 
the world : Europe was taught by experience that li- 
berty was the foundation of true greatness; and that , 
while England remained under a government so per- 
fectly free, she never failed to perform exploits that 
dazzled the neighbouring nations. To him, he did as- 
sure the house, that it was interesting, indeed intere.^t- 
ing and awful, beyond the power of description. U^ 
wished, however, the house to view the arduous and 
very difficult task he had ventured to undertake, in its 
true light. No man saw that glorious fabric, the con« 
stitution of this country, with more admiration, nor 
with more reverence than himself : he beheld it wTlli 
wonder, with veneration, and with gratitude: it gave 
an Englishman such dear and valuable privileges, or, 
he might say, such advantageous and dignified prero- 
gatives, as were not only beyond the reach of the 
subject of every oilier nation, but afforded us a degree 
of happiness unknown to those who lived under govern- 
ments of a nature, less pregnant with the principles of 
liberty : indeed there was no form of government on 
the known surface of the globe, that was so nearly 
allied to perfect freedom. But a melancholy series o* 
events, which had eclipsed the glory of Britain, ex- 
hibited a reverse of fortune, which could only be ac- 
counted for Mfon this principle, that during the last 
G 3 



78 LIFE OF THE LATE 

fifteen years, there had been a deviation, from the 
principles of that happy constitution, under which the 
people of England had so long flourished/^ 

Mr. Pitt reminded the house how and upon \yhat 
reasons the public had begun to look at the state of 
parliamentary representation ; of the steps they had 
taken to procure some remedy for the inadequacy 
which they discovered; the degree of success that their 
endeavours had met with ; and what it was, that parr 
ticularly occasioned him to rise at that moment in sup- 
port of their petitions. He said, '^ to put the house in 
possession of all these circumstances, he need only ad* 
vert to the history of a few years recently past ; a 
history which he should touch on as shortly as possi- 
ble, because it was not only a most melancholy pic- 
ture of calamitous and disgraceful events, but because 
it was so extremely difficult to mention it in any shape, 
that would not appear invidious and personal. He 
then stated that the disastrous consequences of the 
American war, the immense expenditure of the public 
money, the consequent heavy burthen of taxes, and 
the pressure of all the collateral difficulties produced 
by the foregoing circumstances, gradually disgusted the 
people and at last provoked them to *^ turn their eyes 
inward to themselves/' in order to see if there was 
not something radically wrong at home, that was the 
chief cause of all the evils they felt from their misfor- 
tunes abroad. Searching for the internal sources of 
their foreign fatalities, they naturally turned their at- 
tention to the constitution, under which they lived, 
and to the practice of it. Upon looking to that house, 
they found that by length of time, by the origin and 
progress of undue influence, and from other causes, 



WILLIAM PITT. 79 

the aame spirit of liberty and the power of check and 
control upon the crown and executive government, 
were greatly lessened and debilitated. Hence clamours, 
sprung up without doors, and hence, as was perfectly 
aaCural in the moment of anxiety, to procure ail 
g-dequate and a fit remedy to a practical grievance, a 
spirit of speculation went forth, and a variety of 
schemes, founded in visionary and impracticable ideas 
of reform, were suddenly produced. It was not for 
him, he said, with unhallowed hands to touch the ve^ 
uerable pile of the constitution, and deface the fabric ; 
to, see it stand in need of repair was sufficiently rpe^ 
lancholy : but the more he revered it, the more he 
wished to secure its duration to the latest pos- 
terity, the greater he felt the necessity, of guarding 
against its decay. Innovations were at all times dan- 
gerous; and should never be attempted, but wben ne- 
cessity called for them. Upon this priaciple he had 
given up the idea which he suggested to the house last 
year; and therefore his object at present was not to 
innovate, but rather to renew and invigorate the spirit 
of the constitution, without deviating materially from 
ijts present form. When he submitted this subject to 
the consideration of the house last year, he was told, 
that the subject ought not to be discussed amidst the 
din of arms ; the objection was not then without its 
force ; but at present it could not be renewed, as we 
were happily once more in the enjoyment of the bles- 
sings of peace. This, therefore, was a proper time to 
enter upon the business of a reformation, which every 
man, who gave himself a moment's time to think^ 
must be satisfied was absolutely necessary. 



80 " LIFE OF THE LATE 

"An Englishman who should compare the flourishing 
state of his country some twenty years ago, with the 
state of humiHation in which he now beholds her, 
must be convinced, that the ruin which he now de- 
plores, having been brought on by slow degrees, and 
almost imperceptibly, proceeded from something ra- 
dically wrong in the constitution. Of the existence of 
a radical error no one seemed to doubt ; nay, almost 
all were so clearly satisfied of it, that various remedies 
had been devised by those who wished most heartily 
to remove it. The house itself had discovered that a 
secret influence of the crown was sapping the very 
foundation of hberty by corruption : the influence of 
the crown had been felt within those walls, and had 
often been found strong enough to stifle the sense of 
duty, and to over-rule the propositions made to satisfy 
the wishes and desires of the people : the house of 
commons, (in former parliaments) had been base 
enough to feed the influence that enslaved its mem- 
bers : and this was at one time the parent and the oft- 
spring of corruption. This influence, however, had 
risen to such a height, that men were ashamed any 
longer to deny its existence, and the house had at 
length been driven to the necessity of voting that it 
ought to be diminished. Various were the expedients 
that had been thought of, in order to effect so salutary 
a purpose, as was that of guarding against this influ- 
ence; of shutting against it the doors of that house, 
where, if it once got footing, after the resolution al- 
luded to, liberty could no longer find an asylum. The 
house of commons, which, according to the true spirit 
of the constitution, should be the guardian of the 
people's freedom, the constitutional check and con- 



WILLIAM PITT. 81 

trol over the executive power, would, tlirongh this in- 
fluence, degenerate into a mere engine of tyranny and 
oppression, to destroy the constitution into effect, 
though it should, in its outward form, still remain. 

** Among the various expedients that had been devis- 
ed to bar the entrance of such influence into that house, 
he had heard principally of three. One was, to e;x- 
tend the right of voting for, members to serve in parha- 
ment, which was now so confined, to all the inhabi- 
tants of the kingdom indiscriminately ; so that every 
man, without the distinction of freeholder, or freeman 
of a corporation, should have the franchise of a vote 
for a person to represent him in parliament ; — and 
this mode he understood, w^as thought by those who 
patronized it, to be the only one that was consistent 
vvith true liberty in a free constitution, where every 
one ought to be governed by those Jaws only to which 
all have actually given their consent, either in persoUi 
or by their representative. For himself he utterly 
r-ejected and condemned this mode, wbicb it was irp- 

iiowiied foreiathers who bad fraiped tiie constitution ia 
the fulness of their wisdom, and fashioned it lor the 
government of freemen, not of slaves. If this doctrine 
should obtain, nearly one half of the people must in 
fact be slaves ; for it was absolutely impossible that 
the idea of giving to every man a right of voting, 
however finely it might appear in theory, could ever 
be reduced to practice. But, though it were even 
practicable, still onehalf of the nation would be slaves; 
for all those who vote for the unsuccessful candidates^ 
cannot, in the strictness of this doctrine be said to be 
ffepi'esented in , parliament ; and therefore they are 



^2 LIFE OF THE LATE 

governed by laws to which they give not their assent, 
either in person or by representatives : consequently, 
according to the ideas of the friends to this expedient, 
all those who vote for unsuccessful candidates, must 
be slaves: nay, it was oftentimes still harder with those 
who are members of parUament ; who are made slaves 
also, and are governed by laws to wliich they not only 
have not given their consent, but against which they 
have actually voted. 

** For his part, his idea of representation was this, 
that the members once chosen, and returned to par- 
liaiiient, were, in. effect, the representatives of the 
people at large, as well of those who did not vote at 
all, or who, having voted, gave their votes against 
them, as of those by whose suffrages they were actually 
seated in the house. This being therefore his principle^ 
he could not consent to an innovation, founded on doc- 
trines subversive of liberty, which in reality went so 
fiir as to say, that this house of commons was not, and 
that no house of commons ever had been, a true and 
constitutional representation of the people; for ro 
house of commons had yet been elected by all the men 
in the kingdom. The country had long prospered, 
and had even attained the very summit of glory, though 
this doctrine had never been embraced ; and he hoped 
no one would ever attempt to introduce it into the- 
laws of England, or treat it in any other light than as 
a mere speculative proposition, that may be good in 
theory, but would be absurd and chimerical to endea- 
vor to reduce to practice. 

*' The second expedient that he heard of was to abo" 
lish the franchise which several boroughs now enjoy, of 
jeturning members to serve in parliament. These places 



WILLIAM PITT. ^ b5 

were known by the favourite — popular appellation of 
rotten-horoughs. He confessed that there was some- 
thing very plausible in this idea ; but still he was not 
ready to adopt it ; he held these boroughs in the light 
of defora)ities, which in some degree disfigured the 
fabric of the constitution, but he feared could not be 
removed without endaogering the whole pile. It was 
true that the representation of the people could not be 
perfect, nay, it would not be good, unless the inte- 
rests of the representatives and the represented were 
the same; the moment they became different, from 
that moment the liberty of the people was in danger ; 
because those who ought to be the guardians of it, 
find their account ]n circumscribing it within narrower 
limits than the constitution marked out, or in carry- 
ing through measures, which might in the end effec- 
tually destroy it. it must be admitted, from a variety 
of circumstances, which it was unnecessary for him at 
present to explain, that though the uiembers returned 
by boroughs might be for the present the brightest pat- 
terns of patriotism and liberty, still there was no 
doubt but that borough members, considered in the 
abstract, were more liable to the operation of that 
influence, which every good man wished to see de- 
stroyed in that house, than those members who were 
returned by the counties ; and therefore, though he 
was afraid to cut up the roots of this influence by dis- 
franchising the boroughs, because he was afraid of 
doing more harm than good by using a remedy that 
might be thought worse than the disease, siill he 
thought it his duty to counteract, if possible, that in- 
fluence, the instruments of which he was afraid to re- 
move. The boroughs ought to be considered, not only 



84 ' LIFE OF THE LATE 

as places of franchise, but also as places ^here the 
franchise was in some measure connected with pro- 
perty by burgage tenure ; and therefore, as he was un- 
willing to dissolve the boroughs, he would endeavour 
to defeat the effect of undue influence in them, by in- 
troducing and establishing a counterbalance, that 
should keep it down, and prevent it from ruining the 
country. 

*'This brought him naturally to the third expedient, 
that he had often heard mentioned, which was, to add 
a certain number of members to the house, who should 
be returned by the counties and the nietropolis. It 
was unnecessary for him to say, that the county mem- 
bers in general, were almost necessarily taken from 
that class and description of gentlemen the least liable 
to the seduction of corrupt influence, the most deeply 
interested in the liberty and piosperity of the country, 
and consequently the most likely to pursue such mea- 
sures as appeared to them the most salutary to their 
country : in the hands of such men the liberties of their 
constituents would be safe, because the interests of 
such representatives and the represented must neces- 
sarily be the same. This expedient appeared to him 
the most fit to be adopted, because it was the least 
objectionable ; it had the merit of promising an effec- 
tual counter-balance to the weight of the boroughs, 
without being an innovation in the form of the consti- 
tution. He would not then say what number of men 
ought to be added to the counties ; he would kave that 
to be inserted in a bill, which, if the resolution he 
meant to propose should pass, he intended to move for 
leave to bring in ; he, however, would say, that, in 
his opinion, the number ought not to be under one 

6 



M^ILLIAM PITT. 85 

hundred. It was true, he thought the house would 
then be more numerous than he could wish; but still 
it were better it should be so, than that the libertiest 
of the country should be exposed to the baleful in^u- 
ence of the crown in the boroughs. He was not, how- 
ever, without an expedient, by degrees, to reduce the 
number of members, even after the addition, down to 
nearly the present number: his expedient was this: 
that whenever it should be proved before the tribunal, 
which happily was now established by law to try the 
merits of contested elections, that the majority of any 
borough had been bribed and corrupted, the borough 
should then lose the privilege of sending members to 
parliament; the corrupt majority should be disfran- 
chised, and the honest minority be permitted to vote 
at elections for knights of the shire. By this expedient 
he was sure the boroughs would be preserved free from 
corruption ; or else they must be abolished gradually, 
and the number of members of that house be reduced 
to its present standard. This disfranchising of bo- 
roughs would be the work of time : the necessity of 
disfrandiising any one, whenever that necessity should 
appear, would sanctify the measure ; it would- appear 
to be, what m part it would then be, an act of justice, 
not of whim, party, or caprice; as it would be founded, 
not on surmise, but on actual proof of guilt," 

After amplifying upon this for some time, and 
shewing that it was equally founded in poUcy, and in 
justice, he urgently pressed the necessity of sometliing 
being done in compliance with the petitions that had 
beeri presented, complaining of the present state of the 
representation; and took abundant pains to caution 
tire house against adopting any extravagant plans of 

NO, J3. H 



S6 LIFE OF THE lATE 

reform that might be suggested by enthusiastic specu- 
latists on the one hand, or obstinately refusing to take 
any step whatever in compliance with the petitions, 
under a childish dislike, and dread of innovation, on 
the other. After urging very elaborately an infinite 
variety of arguments, Mr. Pitt said, " his first resolu- 
tion was what he conceived every individual member 
would feel the force of, and be ready to come into, 
without a moment's hesitation : of his second, he en- 
tertained hopes pretty nearly as sanguine, convinced 
as he was of its propriety and justice; and with regard 
to his third, though it might possibly meet with con- 
siderable opposition, he was extremely anxious to ob- 
tain for it the sanction of the house. He then read 
his three resolutions, which in substance were as fol- 
low: — 

1. " That it was the opinion of the house, that 
measures were highly necessary to be taken for the 
future prevention of bribery and expense at elections.'^ 

2. *' That, for the future, when the majority of 
voters for any borough should be convicted of gross 
and notorious corruption before a select committee of 
that house appointed to try the merits of any election, 
such borough should be disfranchised, and the mino- 
rity of votes not so convicted, should be entitled to 
vote for the county in which such borough is situated/' 

3. " That an addition of knights of the shire, and 
of representatives of the metropolis, should be added 
to the state of the representation." 

IMr. Pitt said, '* jf he should be so happy as to suc- 
ceed in carrying these resolutions, his intention was to 
bring in a bill upon their respective principles. When 
tbat bill was under consideration, it would then be 



^VILLIAM PITT. 87 

the proper time for discussing and deciding on the 
number of knights of the shire to be added, and for 
making all such other regulations and restrictions as 
to the wisdom of the house might seem necessary. 
He therefore should not hold any gentleman, who chose 
to vote for his resolutions as containing general pro- 
positions, to be bound and pledged either to support 
the bill he intended to bring in, provided the house 
agreed to his present motion, or to any clauses it might 
be fraught with, but to be wholly at liberty, and as 
much unrestrained in that respect as if he had not 
voted in support of the resoUitions. Before he sat 
down, he again earnestly pressed the house either to 
adopt his propositions, or to suggest some other plan^ 
equally culculated to remedy the grievance." 

The effect of this motion of Mr. Pitt was highly 
gratifying to the country, and uniting with the discon- 
tent created by the coalition, tended very strongly to 
raise the young minister in the public esteem. 

Mr. Pitt had already brought in his bill for effect- 
ing various regulations in the public offices, necessar}' 
to economy in the expenditure of the public money. 
On the 17th of June he rose to move its commitment, 
when he received a very unexpected opposition from 
the ministers, in whom he rather looked for an eager 
pursuance of such salutary measures. 

Having been particularly opposed by the chancellor 
of the exchequer (Lord John Cavendish) Mr. Pitt ex- 
pressed a good deal of surprise at what had fallen from 
the noble lord. He would not refer the regulations to 
the commissioners of public accounts, and yet he in- 
tended to continue them for another year! But above 
all he was surprised at hearing the noble lord say, that 
H 2 



fi8 LIFE OF THE LATE 

the heads of the dilTerent offices would be the best per- 
sons to correct the abuses, and introduce new regula- 
liuus into their several departments. He said ** he 
%vould state a lew facts to the house, which would con- 
vince them oi'twQ things, ibcit abuses did exist in several 
public offices, and that the beads of these offices were 
jjot the most fit persons to correct them. 

** If there was any object more worthy the jealousy of 
parliament than another, it was to take care that the 
receipt aiid expenditure of the public money were, in 
all great revenue offices, conducted and managed 
ivith the utmost purity and lidelity. The evil conse- 
quence of a contrary practice were too obvious to need 
illustration. He would, therefore, proceed to shew, 
that abuses in oiticcs of revenue really existed,' and 
that to a very alarming amount. And iirst he should 
bay something with regard to fees, gratuities, and per- 
<]uisites. To instance one office only; the navy office, 
when an enquiry was instituted by a late board of 
treasury, with a view to prepare the present bill of 
reform, the answer was, that there were no fees re- 
cti ved by that office. Upon a closer examination of 
the matter, however, it afterwards came out, that al- 
though there were no fees, received as such, yet that 
money, to a very considerable amount, was received 
by some of the officers, under the name of gifts: thus, 
for instance, the cl)ief clerk of the navy office received 
a salary of about 140 or 250/. a year, and it turned 
out that he received no less than 2300/. in gifts. 
Other clerks with smaller salaries received gifts in pro^ 
])oriion. Mr. Pitt dwelt for some on this fact, and 
urged that the public were liable to have great frauds 
])iactised upon tliLin, if those iu v\hose bauds the* 



WILLIAM PITT. 89 

Rieans of check and controul were placed, were in the 
practice of receiving what certainly might be termed 
the wages of corruption. In the particular instances 
of those officers of the public yards, who were en- 
trusted with the delivery of stores, the house must see 
that the practice was big with the most dangerous mis- 
chief. Mr. Pitt further stated, that in various other 
cases, the practice prevailed to en alarming degree, 
and mentioned a particular contract which had been 
deemed a very easy one, insomuch so, that it had been 
a matter of wonder how it could be fulfilled on terms 
so extremely reasonable. The solution of the enigma- 
was, however, as easy as any solution could be, since 
It was only recollected that the officers, who were to 
pass the contractor's accounts, to see that his contract 
was duly and faithfully executed, and to report, if they 
found the contrary to be the fact, were each of them 
in the pay of the contractor. In order therefore, ta 
put a stop to these abuses, and to prevent any more of 
this infamous traffic between the clerks in office, im- 
mediately concerned in checking, passing, and expe- 
diting the accounts of persons employed in serving the 
public with different articles, and those persons them- 
selves, he said, the aim of one clause of the bill was 
to establish and ascertain the actual amount of all the 
fees hereafter to be taken, and to appoint an officer -ii>v 
each office to receive the fees thus established. . 

" While he was upon this part of the subject; he-tOti^? 
notice of what had fallen from Mr. Burke a few days 
§ince and said, that honourable gentleman had charged 
the two last secretaries of state with having unpiece- 
dentedly and illegally extorted enormous lees for pass- 
ports. [Mr. Fox and Mr. Burke said across the house^ 
H 3 



90 LIFE OF THE LATE 

there never was any such charge made] . INIr. Pitt ob- 
serving the contradiction, said, he averred it on his 
recollection, that the charge was as he declared it to 
be. He then explained the matter, by stating, that, 
when passports had been applied for on the conclusion 
of the peace, enquiry was made what had been the 
custom and usage of the ofnce in that particular, when 
the noble lords, then secretaries of state, were each 
informed what the uniform practice had been, and that 
practice they very naturally followed. Upon the mat- 
ter being complained of as a grievance, one of the 
noble lords had declared, he had no objection to abide 
by the decision of a court of law, and had in the mean 
time stopped the distribution of the fees so taken. So 
far, therefore, had the honourable gentleman, who 
had moved for the account of passports granted, been 
from bringing forward any thing adverse to the bill 
under consideration, that he was free to confess his 
obligations to the honourable gentleman in that parti- 
cular, since the honourable gentleman had thereby for- 
tified him by a very strong argument in support of the 
bill, and in proof of the necessity of such a bilFs pass* 
ing. In order to shew that he felt the matter in that 
way, he declared, he meant to move for an instruction 
to the committee, to insert a clause to make the bill 
extend to the secretaries of state's offices, as well as 
in the others already enumerated in the first clause of 
the bill." 

'* He also took notice of a remark made by Mr She- 
ridan a few days ago, who had charged the late board 
of treasury with having created a new fee at the very 
time they professed to be employed in forwarding plans 
of economy and reform respecting ofilce-fees in gene- 



WlLJilAM PITT. ^1 

ral. Mr. Pitt said, '' the charge was ill-founded, and 
be went into an explanation of the subject-matter of it, 
declaring that the lords of the treasury had acted 
therein solely upon the ground of custom ; that the 
matter related to a sum claimed as a gratuity upon a 
contract, which the treasury, as custom and usage 
were proved to have warranted such gratuities, and as 
the regulations intended relative to such points, were, 
not at the time carried into execution, had allowed to 
be taken. [Mr. Pitt produced and read the treasury 
minute that had been made on this occasion, in proof 
of what he asserted.] In the course of speaking of 
fees, he also mentioned the place of the secretary of 
the post-office, who with a salary of 500 or (SOO/. made 
an annual income of three thousand. Mr. Pitt stated 
this to arise from his having two and a half per cent, 
on all packets ; and in the last year of the war, he 
said 140,0001. had been expended in packets, so many 
were either lost at sea or taken. He likewise alluded 
to the salaries of the two secretaries of the treasury^ 
which he stated at 20001. a year during peace, but 
swelled to iOOO/. a year during war.^"* 

After very amply discusbing the subject of official 
abuses, in respect to fees, perquisites and annuities, 
he proceeded to other parts of the bill, *' promising not 
to take up the time of the house in saying much on 
those, which were admitted by the noble lord to be the 
proper objects of reform. The sale of places certainly 
ought to be checked, and so likewise ought some regu- 
lations to be made respecting the superannuation of 
officers, and the appointment of persons to discharge 
the duties of such as may have leave of absence. He 

I 



52" LIFE OF THE LATE 

would mention one instance of the latter species of 
abuse, which, he trusted, would, sufficiently demon- 
strate the necessity of some immediate reform. Pre- 
vious to the existence of the last board of treasury, a 
practice had obtained of the occasional superannuation 
of the stampers of the stamp-office,^ when the commis- 
sioners of the treasury each appointed a stamper, regu- 
larly one after the other in turn, as real vacancies hap- 
pened, or as artificial vacancies were created. It also 
pretty generally was the practice for each commissioner 
to' appoint one of his own servants, and instantly to 
grant him a leave of absence, which leave of absence 
was constantly renewed for six months, every half 
year; so that, in fact, the place was a sinecure to the 
servants appointed, and all the business w-as done by a- 
deputy. This abuse, the last board of treasury had 
stopped as far as in them lay, and he meant in this' 
bill to give the regulation in this particular the sanc- 
tion of an act of parliament. The creation of new 
offices unnecessarily, was equally a matter that called 
for reform. It was pregnant with abuse, artd could 
produce no possible good to the public. 

** The next article the bill stated its intention to re- 
form, was the improvident expenditure of the public 
money in what were termed incidental expenses ; un- 
der which head were comprehended the supply of per- 
sons in office with coals, candles, furniture, &:c. This,. 
he observed, was subject to great abuse, and had in 
some instances been carried to a most absurd and in- 
defensible extent, there being in existence, to his 
knowledge, various proofs of officers having not only 
made no scruple to order the different articles, at the 



WILLIAM PITT. 93 

expeuse of the public, to their dwelling-houses ia 
towH, but even to their houses in the country, and 
that at a most extravagant rate. 

The clause Mr. Pitt next spoke of, was the clause 
relative to the work done in the houses held under go- 
vernment. The abuses under this head, he declared, 
it appeared from enquirj^, were very great. '' He men- 
tioned the expense of repairing the house in Downing- 
street, in which he had the honour to be lodged for a 
lew months. The repairs of that house only, had, he 
said, but the year or two before he came into office, 
cost the public 10,0001. and upwards; and for the 
seven years preceding that repair, the annual expense 
had been little less than 5001. The alterations that 
had cost 10,0001. he stated to consist of a new kitchen 
and offices, extremely convenient, with several com* 
fonable lodging rooms; and he observed, that a great 
part of the cost, he had understood, was occasioned 
by the foundations of the house proving bad. Nor had 
the house of the chancellor of the exchequer alone 
proved a source of expense. Otl)er houses belonging 
to the public — in Bushy Park, Hampton Court, and 
elsewere, though they had not cost so much, had fol- 
lowed at no very considerable distance, and would be 
allowed, when the charges were ascertained, to have 
kept their pace in tolerably regular gradations.'' 

" He at length came to the latter clauses of the bill, 
*' those^respecting the improvident consumption of sta- 
tionary wares by the officers of the different depart- 
ments of government. The abuses under this article 
of charge were, he said, almost incredible, and the 
mode of abuse in some instances truly ridiculous. He 
had even heard of rooms being papered with stationary 



94 LIFE OF THE LATE 

at the expense of the public, and of otlier as unjustifi- 
able uses of it. The annual charge on account of sta- 
tionary wares, he stated to be above eighteen thousand 
pounds, and it would, he believed, somewliat astonish 
the noble lord in the- blue ribbon, (Lord North) when 
he told the house, and informed him, (for he really 
believed the noble lord had no idea of any such circum- 
stance) that the noble lord alone, as first lord of the 
treasury, cost the public the year before the last no 
less than thirteen hundred pounds for stationary. 
Great as this sum must appear to gentlemen, he de- 
clared, that, knowing, as he did, of what curious ar- 
ticles the bill consisted, he should not have wondered 
if the amount had been as many thousands as it was 
hundreds. One article of the bill was an item of three 
hundred and forty pounds for whipcord ! When he 
mentioned this circumstance, he desired to be under- 
stood, not as intending any thing personal to the noble 
lord ; he was persuaded, the noble lord neither con- 
nived at, nor knew of the abuse, and from that very 
circumstance he drew an argument in support of his' 
bill, and in proof of the necessity of a substantial re- 
form. The bill of the two secretaries to the treasury 
jointly for stationary the same year, amounted to as 
much as the brll of the iirst lord ; the bill of the five 
lords to little more than an hundred pounds each. 
Great abuse and waste of stationary wares was also 
practised in the houses of ministers, servants generally 
considering it as a part of their duty to contrive inge- 
nious means for usmg more than their masters, and 
generally wasting ten times as much as they used. 
If then the board which possessed all the powers of 
controul, and which he doubted not had exercised 



WILLIAM PITT. 95 

those powers with becoming vigilance, viz, the board 
of treasury, were liable to such gross imposition, he 
bad a right to suspect that in the subordinate oifices— 
possessed of less power, and not so likely to exercise 
any check upon abuses of this nature, similar abuses 
prevailed to a considerable degree. He meant to pro- 
pose allowing a certain fixed sum for stationary wares 
to each office, as the best, and, indeed, the only prac- 
ticable means of correcting the abuse. Having ampli- 
fied extremely on this and the other parts of the bill, 
Mr. Pitt declared, he had no doubt but the plan of 
reform contained in the bill would save the public 
forty thousand a year at the least; he therefore hoped, 
that it would not only be the sense of the house that it 
should go to a committee, but that it should pass this 
session. 

Before he sat down he took notice of Lord North's 
expression in a former debate, " that not a trace was to 
be found in the treasury, indicating a single step to- 
wards tkat glorious fabric (as the noble lord had been 
pleased to term it) of reform and economy held out in 
the king's speech. That speech had been often men- 
tioned in the course ©f the session, and repeatedly 
charged with being full of vaunts and promises, never 
intended to be kept or fullilied. The expression he 
had just alluded to of the noble lord, struck him as so 
very strong a one at the time, that he thought it ne- 
cess.iry to take it down in writing, and he was deter- 
mined, at the moment, to bring it to the test at some 
fit opportunity. As it was mciterially connected with 
the subject of the bill then under discussion, he knew 
of no filter opportunity than the present. In order to 
bring the matter fairly within view, he declared he 



^ LIFE OF THE BAI'^E 

would read the promises of the speech on theoperfing 
of the session, paragraph by paragraph. He did so ; 
and then urged the various measures tending towards 
a plan of reform began bj the late ministry, as well as 
those brought before parliament, as those not suffi- 
ciently matured for the inspection of the house of 
con^motis, ere the late ministry went out. He referred 
to Lord North and the present chanceUor of the ex- 
chequer, as witnesses, whose evidence he was entitled 
to upon different topics in this part of the argument. 
He appealed to them, whether there were not in the 
treasury, very laborious and accurate nmterials drawn' 
up at the instance of the last board of treasury upon 
the mint, the royal forests, and a variety of other sub- 
jects alluded to in the king's speech, as intended to be 
brought forward in parliament as matters of reform ? 
And after going through the whole, he complimented 
Lord North on l)is well known candour on all occa- 
sions; whence he was induced to flatter hiniself the 
noble lord would do him the justice to acknowledge 
be had rashly made his assertion, and that, so far from 
there being no trace to be found in the treasury of that 
glorious fabric to which he had alluded, there were 
the foundations laid tor the vvhole building, and that 
its basis was obviously uitended to » e most solid and 
substantial, Mr, Pitt said, this latter partof his sub- 
ject had bcf^n touched upon in that house, and occa- 
sioned much warmth and asperity ; he trusted that he 
had now put it fairly to issue^ and stated it in so plain 
and precise a way, that it would hereafter become 
only a topic of crol and dispassionate discossiQu, He 
tidihd other remarkw, and at Itngu. uound up his ar- 
gument with declaring that U had afforded him some 



WILLIAM PITT. 57 

-satisfaction to have had an opportunity of offering a a 
explanation. of the bill to the house ; not doubting but 
that, , after the bill had been explained, the housQ 
<would , acknowledge its importance, and immediately 
proceed to give it that consideration to which such a 
bill was undoubtedly entitled/' 

The motion was agreed to. 

From what has been given will be seen the active 
and spirited career, into which Mr. Pitt had already 
fallen, and the powerful oratory with which he had al- 
ready enabled himself to meet the ionflicting argu- 
ments of a disordered senate. 

His manly conduct, at this period, formed a pow- 
erful earnest of that ardent mind which hewas after* 
•wards to exhibit on such trying occasions. There 
rare those who will not conceive that on any occasion 
Gould Mr. Pitt display higher powers than on tlie 
present. 

The period was, however, about to arrive when 
they were to be called into greater play. To that pe- 
riod it is proposed to carry oa the chain, that at one 
view from his own mouth may be seen the rapid pro- 
gress of that minister who was thereafter to astonish 
Europe. 

The affairs of India, which had long called for re- 
dress, in the accumulation of territory to which its 
constitution was not adapted, became the next sub- 
ject of consideration to ministers — and on this they 
were to meet an opponent upon whose powers they 
could not calculate from his experience, or any ordi- 
nary data to be drawn from comparison. 

On the 18th of November (1783) Mr. Fox pro- 
duced his bill for the government of India, which 

NO. 14, I 



J)8 LIFE OF ;rHE LATE 

forming an entire revolution in the system of govern- 
ment which had hitherto prevailed, proposed to vest 
the affairs of the East India Company in the hands of 
certain commissioners for the benefit of the proprietors 
and the pubhc. 

Of this bill, however, the principle and its effects 
will be best perceived in the words of Mr. Pitt, who, 
when Mr. Fox had sat down, immediately rose, and 
said, *' That hfe could not refrain -from noticing the 
singular manner m which the right honorable Secre- 
tary (JMr. Fox) had deprecated the charge of indo- 
lence, a charge that had never been imputed to the 
right honorable gentleman, though it had ever been 
considered as' a leading feature in that part of the pre- 
sent administration, of which the honorable gentleman 
had been once thought no great admirer; nor could he, 
at the same time, avoid remarking tne claim that he 
had made, that parliament would never recur to a 
certain connexion of principle and patriotism which 
had excited surprise and discussion in the last session, 
and that they would grant the coalition a perpetual 
amnesty. But how ready parliament might be to ac- 
cede to the right honorable gentleman's desires, he 
would not pretend to determine. Indeed, he knew not 
how far it might be adopted on the present occasion. 
For his own part, he could not avoid so far recurring 
to the present very extraordinary coincidence of senti- 
ment and conduct of men, who were known to have 
acted and professed principles so diametrically oppo- 
site, as to testify his astonishment at it. lie could not 
but observe, that the business which had been now laid 
before them, convinced him that there no longer sub- 
sisted a disagreement of sentiment ; for, could he have 



WILLIAM PITT. 99 

presumed to have anticipated the conduct of the right 
honorable Secretary, from the principles he had always 
opposed in his noble colleague (Lord. North) when ia 
opposite situations, he should have said, that he would 
have been the first. to reprobate, not to propose, the 
system he had just divulged. Had this bill, been 
brought forward at a former period, he should have 
expected to have heard it deprecated with all that 
warmth of sentiment, and tlmt astonishing-eloquence, 
for which he had been so justly admired. . Although 
his noble colleague \^as indisposed, he did not conceive 
it a material .interruption, to. public business; -for the 
House had now a demonstration .that .the right honor- 
able Secretary had itidustry.and inclination^ sufficient 
to perform^ not, only his own shaxe .of .administration, 
but that of the npbla lord Ukawi^e. ..,,... 

*' With regard jto, the bill, which liad been now 
brougljt^ before tham^ hs had nothing to say, against its 
propriety, necessity, or principle, at .this, .time. He 
would suspend his judgment until the %diale came be- 
fore |hein,Avben ha- would examine their provisions- 
with tlie accuracy and care wliich they demanded. He 
was assured of what bad been so eloquently observed 
by its right honorable mover, that very great and enor- 
mous abuses had been suffered in the management of 
our India affairs; and great indeed, he thougiit they 
mu€t be, to achiiit of a measure which he would be 
bold to declare, w^as an entire abrogation of all the 
ancient charters and privileges by which the company 
had been first established, and since existed. All that 
he wished to mention was, that as such a bill was 
brought before their consideration, they would consider 
it with that minute attention and serious investigation 
I 2 



100 hI¥E OF THk LjATE 

\\ihkh it loudly demaiKted, before ihey suffered it to 
pass into a law. He the more particularly urged this, 
from the manner in which the bill had been introduced.. 
He should have expected, that a bill of so extraordi- 
fiary an exertion of administrative power could never 
have been brought forward, without being premised 
with reasons that woii^d, in some sort, justify so alarm- 
ing a measure. But he was sorry to say, that in all 
that had been urged by the" right honorable gentleman 
to support this motion, he heard no argntrients that af- 
forded him satisfaction. It was trueth«€ bill was said to be 
founded on 7i€Cessiti/; but what was this ? Was it i>ot ntas^ 
sifi/ which bad always been the plea of every.illegal exer- 
tion of power, or exerciseof oppression ? was not necessity 
the pretence of every usurpation ? JVere^A'zVj^ was i\m plea 
for every infringement of hunf^an freedom* It was tho 
argument' of tyrants ; it' was the creed of slaves. He 
had heard no panicfulaf rcf^isdn offeredin fttvdr*of this' 
necessity, except that of destroying the corrupt influx 
ence which liadbee^i exerted by the company and their 
servants in both houses- of parlianient. But surely this 
wafe an argument against the principle of the bill ;■ for 
if government possessed theitiselves of this source of 
influence and cornipttoti,. it would no longer be th0 
iufiii^nce of a company, but that of the executive 
governnient. He asked, was it not the principle and 
declared avowal of this bill, that the whole system of 
the India government should be placed in seven per- 
sons, and those under the appointment of no other 
than the minister himself ? He appealed to the sense 
and candour of ihe house, whether, in saying this, he 
was the least out of order. Could it be otherwise un- 
derstood, or interpreted, than that these seven, who 



WILLIAM PITT. lOr 

vvere to have the sole direction of that part oi" India 
affairs which related to the political government were 
to be appointed solely by the minister ? The minister- 
would then virtually be the governor of India : he 
would have all the power and patronage, for which 
tliis bill was principally recommeaded as tending to 
eradicate. Under this idea, he again most earnestly 
recommended, that the bill might remain on the table 
so long as. to enable every member of that house ta 
form an adequate idea of the necessity of the measure, 
and thQ tendency of the principle. 

*' The right honorable Secretary,'' he observed, " had 
bis sincere thanks and applause for the manner in 
which he expressed his intention of giving security, 
stability, and permanency, to the property of thelnha- 
bitants in our territories in India. He felt his senti- 
ments with the same warmth of animation and plea- 
sure as was the general feeling of the whole house, and 
what would always characterise the liberality of an 
Englishman ; but while he paid this deserved tribute 
to so generous and honorable a sentiment, he hoped 
never to see it adopted, if it must be attended with the 
absqlute destruction of our rights and characters at 
home. The right honorable Secretary was willing to 
secure to the Gentoos their natural rights; but let him 
take care he did not destroy the liberties of English- 
men. He mentioned the influence of the crown; but 
had it ever been, in its zenith, equal to what it would 
be, when it should find itself strengthened by th^ whole 
patronage of the East, which the right honorable gen- 
tlemen was^going to throw into the hands of the crown ? 
For his part, he was ready to declare, that, in his opi- 
nion, the whole of the right honorable Secretary's sys- 
I 3 



103 LIFE OF THE LATE 

tern was nothing more, on one side, than absolutt^ 
despotism, and, on the other, the most gross corrup- 
tion/' He concluded with observing, *' that he wished 
this bill not to pass without a caii of the house ; for he 
was assured that not a member of parliament, when he 
heard of this bill, would consider himself uninterested 
an its discussion. He thought it one of the most bold 
and forward exertions of power that was ever adopted 
by ministers." 

On the motion being carried, Mr. Pitt moved for a 
call of the house, as he had previously intimated, which 
was ordered on the next day fortnight, and which m-ay 
be considered as one of the minor steps leading to the 
great change about to take place, to which we are 
directing our principal attention. 

The subject was resumed on the ^7th November, 
and counsel and petitions for the Company heard, 
>vhen, on Mr. Fox's moving for the committal of his 
bill, Mr. Pitt arose, and, with his usual acuteness, 
attacked the honorable gentleman on positions in which 
he would appear to have committed himself. In speak-, 
ing of the East India Company's affairs, which he de- 
scribed to be in a state of insolvency, Mr. Fox had 
laughingly made the following observations. *' After 
enumerating their millions afloat, their millions in their 
warehouses, they come to the calculation of their 
specie, and it amounts to the sum of iOOO/. This re- 
minds me of one of our great bard*s best plays, where, 
speaking of one of his best characters, it is said, ' So 
much for sack ; so much for sugar; so much for burnt 
hock ; so much for this and ?o much for that; but for 
the solid — the substantial— the stafl^ of life — bread, one 
halfpenny V So it is with this flourishing company ; 
3 



WILLIAM PITT. 103 

they have millions of goods, of bonds, of debts ; but of 
silver they have one solitary thousand pounds/' 

To this Mr. Pitt answered, that ** the right honor- 
able gentleman had such a happy talient of rendering 
'even the driest subject lively, that his pleasant allusion 
to the charge of one halfpenny for bread, in Falstaff's 
tavern bill, when he came to take notice of the lOOOL 
aiijount of silver remaining in the treasury of the East 
India Company, had so far caught his fancy, that it 
was not till a minute or two afterwards that he glanced 
his eye a little higher on the same page of the com- 
pany's account, and saw an entry of money to the 
amount of 14^2,794/." Mr. Pitt concluded by asking, 
" What shall be said of a minister who ventures to 
impose on the house a statement every way absurd 
and erroneous ?'* 

Such are the steps by which the coalition ministry 
hastened to decline. On the 17th of December, Mr. 
Baker made a motion in regard to certain causes of 
delay in this great measure of government, *' That it 
is now necessary to declare, that to report any opinion, 
or pretended opinion of his Majesty, upon any bill, or 
other proceeding, depending on either house of parlia- 
ment, with a view to influence the votes of the mem- 
bers, is a high crime and misdemeanor, derogatory to 
the honour of the crown ; a breach of the fundamental 
principles of parliament ; and subversive of the consti- 
tution of this country." 

In answer to this motion, Mr. Pitt wound up the 
subject. He said ** the honourable gentleman had 
talked much about secret influence, and asked how 
ministers were to act when thus circumstanced ? In 
his opinion, the servants of the crown were worse than 



104 LIFE OF THE LATE 

useless, whenever they were without responsibility. For 
a situation thus dangerous and unconstitutional, they 
were indeed strictly answerable. Their duty under 
circumstances thus dishonorable and inefficient, was 
therefore obvious and indispensible. The moment 
they could not answ^er for their own measures, let fheni 
retire. They were no longer fi-t to occupy stations 
which they did not adequately fill/' 

On the following night, (December ] S) at a late hour, 
Lord North and Mr. Fox, the two Secretaries of State, 
received their, dismissal through a special messen- 
ger, and were ordered to deliver the seals of office 
through the under secretaries, to prevent the necessity 
of an interview ; and, on the next morning, letters to 
a similar effect were sent to the other members of the 
cabinet in the name of Earl Temple, appointed Secre- 
tary of State, but who in two days after resigned. 

This administration, of which Mr. Pitt was at the 
head, and his friend, Mr. Dundas, again Treasurer of 
the Navy,* though appointed by his Majesty, had a 



* The following formed the new administration :— 

■Right Hon. William Pitt, First Lord of the Treasury, and Chan- 
cellor of the Exchequer, 

Marquis of Carmarthen, Secretary of State for the Foreign De- 
partment. 

Lord Sidney, Secretary of State for the Home Department. 

Earl Gower, (succeeded by Lord Camden,) President of the 
Ceuncil. 

Duke of Rutland, (succeeded by Earl Gower,) Lord Privy 
Seal. 

Earl Howe, First Lord of the Admiralty. 

LordThurlow, Lord Chancellor. 

^ The above composed the Cabinet^ 






ILORD) oKemncLi-E. 



j'uh.Jiin.70. 1807, l\y JartKXi ULnd/'P.'Umdo'i . 



WILLIAM PITT. 105 

vtciisiderable struggle to encounter, before it could 
possess itself of the pov/er and influence in parliament 
necessary to render it eflicient* The effect of this 
struggle was almost a suspension of public business for 
a time. If, however, it could be conceived to have 
been occasioned by any other motive than a desire to 
retain the sweets of office in the dismissed ministry, it 
might be called a struggle the most glorious to the 
country, in which a majority in the House of Comnjons 
asserted itself in opposition to the crown and its ser- 
vants. 

To the period when the administration became 
settled, until which Mn Pitt could be scarcely regarded 
as minister, this account proceeds, before we take that 
view of our illustrious subject embarked on his full 
career of glory, which is thenext, and not least impor- 
tant, object of these pages. 

On the meeting of parliatnent after the rac©%i, (J a* 
auary 12, 1784,) Mr. Pitt met his host of opponents as 



Duke of Richmond, Master- General of the Ordnance. 

Llo^'d Kenyon, (afterwards Lord Kenyon) Attorney-GeneraL 

Richard Pepper Arden, Esq. (afterwards Lord Alvanley,) So- 
licitor-General, 

Right Hon, William VVyndham Grenville, (aftersN'urds Lord 
Grenville,) and 

Lord Mulgvave, Joint Pa} masters of the Forces* 

Henry Diindas, Esq. (afterwards Lord Melville) Tre^wrCT m 
the Navy. 

Sir George Yonge, Secretary at War. ^ 

George Rose, Esq. and 

Thomas Steele, Esq. Secretaries of the Treasury* 

Dlike of Rutland, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland* 

Thomas Orde, Esq. Secretary to ditto. 



106 Llf£ OF TIJK LATE 

first minister of Great Britain. He rose to present a 
message, but was anticipated by Mr. Fox. who moved 
the order of the day. After that gentleman had 
spoken, iMr. Pitt again arose. 

** He was by no means anxious/' he said, ** to pre* 
vent the house from going into the eommUtee on tiie 
&tate of the nation, or to keep the right honorable 
gentleman from the possession of the house, to the 
gaining of which such art and such accommodation had 
been used. He could not be at all surprised that those 
men, wIjo before the recess had been so clamorous and 
so petulant, and who had gone such strange lengths, at 
a time when those persons, who unquestionably ought 
to be present at the discussion of all Important ques- 
tions were neceimnly abient, should now have pro- 
eeidid m tha sami way, and tnkan tha advautnga of 
abianc© to briflg oa % measure, by which ha, as the 
ffiinistar of the crown, should b© prevented from deli- 
varing a message from his Majesty. It was not hit 
imm to pr^vint gentlaman from raying any thing that 
thay might imagine would support that petulanc© 
which thay had sbawn before tha racess, that unjusti- 
fiable violence, and thosa unprecedented steps which 
they had t$km^ for the purpose of inflaming the coun- 
try, and exciting jealousies for which there was noreul 
foundation. He was happy to see the house met agaiiv 
and that now the ministers of the crown might be able 
to face the assertions, the insinuations that were thrown 
out; for nothing in the ^hape of a charge had been 
brought forward, nothing bad been attempted to be 
proved : now they would have it in their power tQ 
meet the enquiries and the propositions that might be 
agitated in the committee ou the state of the nation i 



WILLIAM PITT. - 107 

and he assured the house, tlmt he should not shrink 
from any question, charge, or insinuation, which the 
gentlemen on the other side might chuse to bring against 
him. 

" At the same time, however, that he cheerfully ex- 
pressed his readiness to go into the committee on the 
state of the nation, he thought it right that this com- 
mittee should be delayed for some short time, and be 
trusted the reasons which he should give would be 
satisfactory to the house. It had pleased his Majesty 
to command his services, at a time when, however, 
he might feel himself unqualified for the high station 
of minister, he could not think himself justified in 
conscience to decline. The circumstances of the coun- 
try were peculiar and distressing. The East India bill, 
brought in by the right honorable gentleman, a bill so 
violent in its form as to give just reason for alarm to 
every thinking man, had been, by what powerful ma- 
nagement it was not for feim to say, hurried through 
the house. That bill established a species of influence 
iinknown to the cons\tution of this country ; and he 
was one of a most respe<:table minority, who thought, 
that if it had passed into a law, the independence of 
that house, the equilibrium between ihe three estates 
of the realm, and the beautiful frame of our govern- 
ment were at an end. That bill passed this house, but 
at the same time it was the idea of all men, even of 
those who objected to that bill as unfit to be passed, 
that some bill was essentially necessary ; and he had 
pledged himself if it was withdrawn or thrown out, to 
propose one less violent in its principles, and, as, be 
thought, more adequate to its purposes. Would any 
man object to his moving for leave to bring in that bill } 



108 LIFE OF THE LATE 

Would not all sides of the house acknowledge, that the 
'first object to be embraced was the India business?' 
It was for this question that the; house was impatient. 
They had thouglit proper to present an address to the 
throne, testifying their extreme anxiety to go upon this 
important pursuit, which they stated to be so urgent, 
as to make them dread any interruption whatever. Was 
it possible, then, they should think of interrupting the 
business? Was it possible that they should think of 
preventing the introduction of a new. bill, which \vas 
the only way of coming fairly to the business ? What- 
ever serious enquiry into the state of the nation might 
be meditated afterwards, he should ihink it his duty 
most attentively and cheerfully to accompany. In the 
mean time, he begged the house to consider that this 
-was the first day when the new ministers had met them 
in parhament. That ministry was formed, was called 
"by his Majesty into office, chiefly on ilhe ground of the 
India bill. Their first dlity was to franif" a system for 
the government of India. They had not opposed the 
last bill by cavilling; they had not objected to it from 
•envy to the parents of it : they had opposed it because 
they thought that its objects might be accomplished in 
•^a safer way. This was the point on which they were 
"at issue. They had now to prove that they had not 
lightly disturbed the government of the country ; that 
they had not set up a captious opposition, an opposi- 
tion to men merely ; but that they opposed a most 
violent measure ; and having overthrown it, they 
thought it their just duty to substitute a more mode- 
rate, a more constitutional scheme in its place." 

He spoke again of the clamour which had ,been ex- 
cited; and said, ** he was ready to meet it. all. lie had 



WILLIAM PITTK . l09i 

objected to the last bill, because it created a new and 
tiiiormous influence, by vesting in certain nominees of 
the minister all the patronage oCthe East. He stated 
all his objections to Mr. Fox's bill, and said that he 
was now called upon by his duty, to bring in a new 
bill ; and if the house, by agreeing with him to post- 
pone the order of the day, would allow him to move 
for leave to bring in his bill, he would state all the out- 
lines of his system as shortly and precisely as he could.i* 
He trusted that he should not be prevented, because* 
the right honorable gentleman had forestalled the 
house, by rising at a time when those persons were 
absent, whose duty it was to conduct official business ; 
and he hoped the house in general would agree with 
him in voting against the order of the day/' 

In answer to much scurrility which had been used 
against him during the whole of the debate, after his 
preceding speech, Mr. Pitt made the following obser- 
vations. — 

He declared he came up no back stairs : that 
when he was sent for by his sovereign to know whether 
he would accept of office, he necessarily went to the 
royal closet ; that he knew of no secret influence, and 
that his own integrity would be his guardian against 
that danger; but the house might rest assured, when- 
ever he discovered. any, he would not stay a moment 
longer in office. '' 1 will neither have the meanness/^ 
said Mr. Pitt, " to act upon the advice of others, nor 
the hypocrisy to pretend, when the measures of an 
administrator, in which I have had a share, are deser- 
ving of censure, that they were measures not of ray 
advising* If any former ministers take these charges 
to themselves, to them be the sting. Little did I think 

NO. 14. K 



110 LIFE OF THE LATE 

to be ever charged in this house with being the tool 
and abettor of secret influence. The novelty of the 
imputation only renders it so much the more con- 
temptible. This is the only answer I shall ever deign 
to make upon the subject, and I wish the house to bear 
it in their mind, and judge of my future conduct by 
my present declaration ; the integrity of my own heart, 
and the probity of all ray public, as well as my. private 
principles, shall always be my sources of action. I will 
"liever condescend to be the instrument of any secret 
advisers whatever ; nor, in one instance, while I have 
the honor to act as minister of the crown in this house, 
wilt I be responsible for measures not my o\yn, or at 
least in which my heart and judgment do not cordially 
acquiesce.'' 

With regard to the questions put to him as to the 
dissolution, it did not become him to comment on 
the words of a most gracious answer of the sovereign 
delivered from the throne ; neither would he presume 
to compromise the royal prerogative, or bargain it 
av;ay in the House of Commons. When his honorable 
friend, (Mr. Dundas,) in whose hands he considered 
his honor to be as safe as in his own, before the recess, 
in his name, and by his authority, pledged himself to 
the house, that he, (Mr. Pitt,) would not advise a 
dissolution, such at that time had been his real senti- 
ment : he could not at present say more, but he hoped, 
nevertheless, the house would now consent to receive 
and go into the consideration of his India bill. 

Mr. Pitt remarking only, '' that opposition, he was 
convinced, was fruitless ; and declaring that he had 
t^aken upon him the government of the country upon 
one single, plain, intelligible principle, by which he 



.-'^ V . c. 



r '4^} 



'^"H 




Ik 



^J B € O TTTr T mi; JLl -II , X. E , 



WILLIAM PITT. Ill 

desired to stand or fall, viz. to save the country from 
the India bill, which threatened destruction to its liber- 
ties;— that his conduct was uniform and inteUigible, 
and that the nation and the world would understand 
and applaud it." 

Consonant to these declarations, Mr. Pitt produced 
his bill for the government of India on the l^th of 
January, in which he had studiously regarded the 
feelings of the East India Company, on points which 
Mr. Fox had set at nought, and consulted the political 
interests of his country rather than an indiscriminate 
popularity* 

On presenting it, Mr. Pitt rose and said, ^' in per- 
formance of his engagement to the public and to the 
house, and to discharge that duty which was indispen- 
sible to him in the situation which he held. He w^as 
neither deterred by the circumstances of the time, nor 
appearance of the agitation of that assembly, from 
rising to move for the introduction of a new bill for 
settling the government of India, because he knew.ilf 
to be the most immediate concern of the country, and 
that which, before all other things, called for the con- 
sideration of parliament. He was aware that, in the 
present circumstances of the times, any proposition 
that came from him was not likely to be treated by 
certain persons with impartiality or justice; for they 
had already excited a clamour against what they con- 
ceived to be his ideas, and had already condemned, 
without knowing his system. They had taken up cer- 
tain resolutions passed by the proprietors of East India 
stock, and had said, that a system founded upon them 
must necessarily be defective, must necessarily be 
«liarged with more influence, accompaiaied with less 
K2 



112 XIFEOF THE LATE 

energy, than the bill which had been rejected. I?« 
knew the triumph which he should afford to a certain 
description of men, when he informed the house, that 
the plan which he proposed to submit to parliament " 
was chiefly founded on the resolutions of the proprie- 
tors of India stock, and that his ideas in all the great 
points coincided with theirs. He anticipated in his 
mind the clamour which would take place on this dis- 
covery, and the vociferous acclamations of those gen- 
tlemen ranged behind the right honorable member, 
(Mr. Fox,) whose signals they were always disposed 
to obey, and whose mandates they were always ready 
to execute. He perfectly understood the nature of 
their conduct : he knew well how capable they would 
be of deciding on the subject, from the notices they 
•would receive, and how eagerly they would embrace 
the opinion which the right honorable gentleman 
would give them; but he was not to be intimidated 
from undertaking what he conceived to be for the 
. interest of his country; and to the crime which was 
alledged against him, he pleaded guilty. He confessed 
iiimself to be so miserably weak and irresolute, as not 
to venture to introduce a bill into that house on the 
foundations of violence and intrenchment. He ac- 
knowledged himself to be so weak as to pay respect to 
the chartered rights of men, and that, in proposing .a 
new system of government and regulation, he did not 
disdain to consult with those, who, having the greatest 
stake in the matter to be new modelled, were likely to 
be the best capable of giving him advice. He acknow- 
ledged the enormous transgression of acting with their 
consent, rather than by violence; and that in the bill 
he proposed to move for, he had governed himself by 



WILLIAM PITT. lis 

the ideas of the proprietors of East India stock, and 
by the sense and wisdom of those men who were most 
habituated to the consideration of the subject, as well 
as the most interested in it. 

" He gave to his opponents, with perfect cheerfulness,^ 
all the advantage which this view of the subject would 
confer. His plan was really founded on the resolu- 
tions which the house had seen in the public news- 
papers, and he acted in concurrence with the senti- 
ments of the general proprietary, He had not dared 
to digest a bill without consultation, which was to 
violate chartered rights sanctified by parliamentary 
acts ; he had not ventured to conceive that any plan, 
which should erect in this country a system unknown 
to the constitution, would be ever embraced by any 
House of Commons ; or, that a scheme of new and 
unconstitutional character, would be suffered to have 
an establishment, since such a scheme must give the 
death blow to our frame of government. He had taken 
notice of the objections stated by the right honorable 
gentleman, before had heard his plan, and accepted by 
his followers with the same haste and the same decency ; 
he had heard him alledge that his plan was calculated 
to give as much or more influence to the crown thaa 
the bill that had been rejected ; and that it was not 
calculated to produce the solitary consequences to this 
country, or to India, which his bill would have cer- 
tainly done. These were the imputations which had 
been brought against it before it was known, and the 
house were now to enquire into the truth of the asser- 
tion. He wished to be tried by comparison. He chal- 
lenged the trial by that test; and he trusted to the 
candour of the housej even circumstanced as ifngw 
k3 



114 LIFE OF THE LATE 

was ; he trusted to their fairness and impartiality, that 
if the provisions of his bill as effectual, with less vio- 
lence,— .affording as vigorous .a system of control with 
less possibility of influence, — securing the possessions 
of the East to the public, without confiscating the pro- 
perty of the company,—and beneficially changing the 
nature of this defective government, without entrench- 
ing on the chartered rights of men, ihey would give 
him a manly, liberal, and successful support, without 
enquiring what party of men, or what side of the house, 
was t© be maintained on the occasion. He trusted they 
could not approve his plan the less for being without 
violence — for being destitute of the rapidity, the grasp- 
ing principle, the enormous influence, the inordinate 
ambition, the unconstitutional tendencies of the bill 
which had been rejected. He trusted also they would 
£nd, that he had not objected to the bill of the right 
honourable gentlemen from motives of capricious, or 
of personal opposition, or that he was now to seduce 
them into the approbation of a measure more specious- 
ly coloured, but in truth stated from that to which he 
had denied his assent. 

** He was not much affected with the clamour, that 
his was to be a half-measure — a palliative — although he 
Lad so loudly deprecated half-measures and palliatives 
on the first day of the session. Half-measure was the 
-watchword of the day. He should not be affected by 
this charge, if by that was meant, that every measure 
which did not proceed to the violation of charters and 
the confiscation of property, was a half-measure. If 
he could only avoid the imputation of erecting a sys- 
tem of power new and unknown in the countryj to the 
extinction of the company and the destruction of the 



WILLIAM PITT. lis 

constitution, he would not be displeased to hear his plan 
receive the appellation of a half measure. But he trust- 
ed) that in the exposition of the principles of his plan, 
and of the provisions, they would find reasons to go with 
him in thinking, that without materially entrenching on 
the company, and without deviating from the practice 
of the constitution, a scheme of government might be 
framed, less overbearing, and equally efficacious. 
Whatever might be its reception, however, he should 
have the heartfelt pleasure of knowing that he had 
discharged his duty conscientiously ; and he professed 
that he was infinitely more eager to see a fair, solid, 
and effectual system established, than he should be the 
person to propose it, as he really was more anxious for 
the welfare of his country than for the aggrandizement 
of himself. 

*' The general objects to be looked to, and provided 
for, in the formation of a system for India, were chiefly 
these : — 

" The concerns of this country in India, in the various 
considerations to which they branched ; the civil and 
milicary government; the revenues; the commerce; 
the vast territorial possessions, which, though they had 
been long acquired, had never yet been finally settled : 
there were claims to be ascertained and interests to be 
divided. The happiness of the natives was to be stu- 
died ; the connection between the commerce and the 
territorial government was to be maintained ; and last 
of all, they were to consider what were likely to be the 
effects of the government of India, or the government 
of Great Britain; how it might afiect our constitution 
in point of influence, and how it might be rendered at 
once vigorous and unalarming. 



116 LIFE OF THE LATE 

'* These were the objects to be considered, and surely 
the house would join with him in saying, they were 
most iiiaportant. The possessions in India were great 
and ample ; they could not be maintained but with 
broad and extensive establishments; they contained an 
immense number of the human race, for whose hap- 
piness it behoved us, by every call of humanity and 
policy, to provide ; and there was the utmost necessity 
of framing a system, which should at once preserve 
the connection and the distinction between the territo- 
ries and the commerce. This was particularly difficult, 
and indeed the whole business was of so complicated 
a kind, that it required all the wisdom, all the ex- 
perience, and all the consideration of parliament. 

" Any plan, which he or any man could suggest for the 
government of territories so extensive and so remote, 
must be inadequate ; nature and fate had ordained, in 
unalterable decrees, that governments to be maintained 
at such a distance must be inadequate to their end. 
In the philosophy of politics, such a government must 
be declared irrational, it must be declared at the best 
to be inconvenient to the mother and supreme power, 
oppressive and inadequate to the necessities of the go- 
verned. In such a scene there could be imagined no 
theoretical perfection — it must be a choice of inconve- 
niences ; and therefore, he trusted that, in this exami- 
nation of the ideas which he should throw out, the 
house would take into their view the difiiculties, and 
and always to remember that whatever was suggested, 
however specious, however promising, it might be, 
must be tried by the event rather than by speculation. 
The general ideas which he had thrown out, and the 
objects which he had described to be in view, would 



WILLIAM PITT. il7 

serve the house as land-marks to guide them in the 
consideration, and they would examine how far his 
propositions were calculated to answer the object. 

" In the first place then the political concerns of this 
country in India, that is, the civil and military govern- 
ment of India— the political establishments— the politi- 
cal system — the collection of the revenues —and to give, 
in one short and general definition, the imperial domi- 
nion of our territories in the east, ought to be placed 
under other control than that of the company of mer- 
chants in Leadenhall Street : but the change ought to 
be made with as little violence as possible ; it ought to 
be made by the conviction of the company, and not by 
violence. In this the proprietors agreed with him. 
The first business then, was to take care that this 
should be an effectual control, and it was his clear idea, 
that this control, could not with safety or propriety be 
.placed in any other hands than those of the genuine 
and legitimate executive council of the constitution. 

" His next principle was, that the commerce of the 
company should be left, as much as possible, to their 
own superintendance. This was an idea that must 
strike every thinkmg man ; for commerce ought al- 
ways to be left to the merchant, unshackled, unem- 
barrassed by interferences which might impede its cur- 
rent, and diminish its security. In this, however, 
there was a consideration to be attended to. The com- 
merce of the East India Company was of a mixed na- 
ture. It was involved with revenue, and it would be 
requisite that a provision should he made for distin- 
guishing between what was merely commercial and 
what was mixed, under the colour of commercial acts, 



118 l>rFE OF THE LATE 

or commercial regulation, the politics of India should 
not be affected. 

" This next principle was to prevent capricious effects 
on the constitution of Britain, from the government of 
India. In providing for this principle, very great de- 
licacy was to be used in the nature, quality, and ex- 
tent of the powers to be given to the governments in 
India. The servants in India, must obey the control- 
ing powers at home; but, still, in regard to the dis- 
tance from the controling power, care must be taken 
to arm them with such discretionary authority, as 
should leave energy and vigour for all the purposes of 
good and substantial government, sufficient to secure 
^the happiness of the natives^ as well as to protect the 
commerce and the possessions, but at the same time 
so limited as to restrain inordinate ambition — to crusk 
oppressive rapacity — to extinguish the jobbing of 
adventure — and to establish true and equitable domi- 
nion. 

** He understood well that it wa« more easy to exhi- 
bit principles than a-dopt provisions ; and he only ex- 
hibited them to serve as land-marks to the house in tlje 
examination of his provisions ; for he should succeed or 
fail in his plan in. so far as he reached or came short of 
these ideas. 

*' The ftrst point, then, in the plan was to ascertain 
the degree of control which should be established over 
the company, and the hands in which that control 
should be placed. The degree of control should amount 
to the government of the civil and military concerns, 
and of the revenue, and this was a species of control 
not new ; for we had already seen a control over the 
company established in the hands of government. But 



WILLIAM PITT. 119 

the former interference of ministers had not been be- 
neficial, because it had not been active or vigilant. 
On this account was it that the right honourable gen- 
tleman in his bill had placed it in new hands ? Was ifc 
on this account that he had vested the control in the 
bands of a set of men, v/hose character was a monster 
and a novelty in the constitution ? What security 
had parliament that this new and unheard of board 
\vould have been more active and vigilant than a con- 
stitutional and executive one ? Surely none but the 
character, the integrity, the intelligence, and the ala- 
crity of the individuals who composed it. If men 
could he found by the executive government of the 
country equally endowed, he asked if the security to 
the public was not the same ? 

*^ But he must again take notice here of the imputa- 
tion, which, he imagined, would be thrown on his 
plan for its moderation in this respect. It would be 
called a half measure ^ because it left with the company 
many of their rights, their property, their patronage, 
their respect : but he saw no aspersion in the term of 
a half measure, if his plan was to be so termed in op- 
position to the totallity of that scheme which grasped 
at every thing which they enjoyed. This grasped at no 
more than what was essential to the object, and he 
with confidence trusted to the impartiality of the house 
of comn)ons, that they would approve of a measure 
calculated to effect all the purposes required, by means 
less violent than those of the late plan ; and he had 
this confidence, notwithstanding the impression of the 
times, which he confessed to be new and extraordi- 
fcary. His plan aimed at beneficial control, H« 

6 



120 LIFE OF THE LATE 

meant not to rob or to steal the rights of the com- 
pany, 

*' He knew that the merits of his plan must be com- 
parative ; and that the house would give the prefer- 
ence to that, which, in the comparison, was proved to 
be the test in the two great points of sufficiency and 
vigilance of control. The public required security. 
What was the security they had in the projected 
board of commissioners ? Was it the greatness of their 
character, or the circumstance of their being appointed 
by the house on the nomination of the minister ? If this 
was all, might not others be found as great in character, 
and found constitutionally, by the executive power ? 
And would it be a less recommendation of such men 
that they were not a new and independant institution^ 
unknown to the constitution and uncontrollable by the 
crown ? The persons that had the control, should be 
persons capable of giving time and attention to the ob- 
jects of the trust — they should have leisure for activity 
and exertion, that it should be no longer subject to 
the imputation of a sleepy and ineffectual controJ, but 
deserve the character of an active and efficacious one. 
But this could not be done, perhaps, without the crea- 
tion of new officers ; for, in the present state of ad* 
n:iinistration, the ministers through whom the crown 
should speak, that is, the two secretaries of state, were 
so occupied as not to be able to give all the time and 
attention which would be necessary to provide for this ; 
there should be joined to the minister other assistance 
to expedite the affairs that they might not be delayed 
or neglected, at the same time that the crown's cou* 
trol was signified through a minister. 



WILLIAM PITT, 121 

^' His proposal, therefore, was, ' That aboard should 
be instituted, to be appointed by his ISlajesty, consist- 
ing of one of the principal secretaries of state, the 
chancellor of the exchequer for the time, and a certain 
number of the privy council/ The number of the 
board be left blank for the consideration of the house. 
The priv}^ counsellors were not to be as in the consti- 
tution of the privy council itself, to attend precarious- 
ly ; but such as his Majesty appointed were to give re- 
gular attendance at this board, and devote their time 
and study to its objects. But it might be asked were 
there to be salaries given to the members of this new 
board, and was it to be productive of additional bur- 
thens to the people ? He knew that in the last bill, 
though there was no salary mentioned, it was the ge* 
neral rumour, if not the general intention, that they 
should have a remuneration. It was his idea, how- 
ever, that in the present establishment, any expence 
might be avoided. There were in this country a num- 
ber of persons, who from their rank, were members of 
the privy council, and \\\io at the same time were 
possessed of great and distinguish<id ofiices, with large 
emoluments and little labour. There v;as no doubt 
but a number of such peTrsons niigbt be found to accept 
of this important duty without any additional reward. 
It was what they ov/ed to the country, trom which ihey 
derived splendid incomes for no services, and he was 
sure that if it fell to his lot — which was a que::t:un to 
be decided^he would think it his indispensable duly, 
and would give up his time and attention most cor- 
dially to the object. ^ 

** A board thus constituted, it might be imagined • 
would have the qualities of activity and vigour. It 

:ng. l^. L 



122 LIFE OF THE LATE 

would be derived constitutionally from the executive 
power. It would create no new office of emolument. 
It would load the subject with no new burthen. It 
would be as efficacious as the board of seven commis- 
sioners. That board undoubtedly was composed of 
men of great integrity and fair honour ; but lie might 
be allowed to add, some of them not possessing much 
knowledge of, or interest in, the subject of their con- 
trol. But this new board would be at least equally 
intelligent and efficacious. It would be as good only 
with this difference, that the rights of no company 
would be violated, only with this difference, that they 
would not be uncontrolled or uncontrollable ; — only 
with this difference, that they would not possess the 
whole of the patronage, to the great danger of British 
liberty. The dispatches of the company must be sub- 
mitted to this board, and be made subject to their 
control, their opinion to be given in a reasonable and 
competent time, and the dispatches countersigned by 
the board, by which a complete responsibility was 
vested in them. This was no ambiguous system — it 
was clear, public, and administrative. 

"'' In the next place, though he had no wish to inter- 
fere with, much less to control, the commerce of the 
company, yet as the commercial arts might be con- 
nected with the political, because they might have an 
aspect leaning both to the one and to the other, he also 
proposed, ' That all the commercial dispatches of the 
company should also be submitted to the board whose 
control should be signified in a reasonable and compe- 
tent time; but the court of directors, if they agreed 
not with the opinion of the board on the decision of 
the question, whether it had a political or merely a 



WILLIAM PITT. 123 

commercial question, might appeal to the king in bis 
council, whose decision should be final/ This he hoped 
would not be considered as a security nominal and 
frivolous, when it is remembered that this was to be 
a pubHc appeal and a public trial. He was sincere in 
his ideas on the subject of the security ; and, being so, 
he regarded neither the sneers nor the smiles of gentle- 
men : this appeal he considered as a guard to the com* 
pany, and chiefly because it was liable to be discussed 
in both houses of parliament. 

*' This board possessed not the patronage of the com- 
pany. They had the power of a negative, indeed, but 
they could not alter the names sent by the company ; 
they could not make use of this power in the way of 
patronage, for it was his idea that this should be a 
board of political control, and not, as the former was, 
a board of political influence. He stated what the 
constitution of that board was, and what the constitu- 
tion of this was to be. That board was to seize on the 
rights, patronage, commerce, and property of the com- 
pany. This left to the company the uncontrolled pos- 
session of their commerce, their treasury, iheir patron- 
age, their contracts, the appointment of writers and 
cadets ; by which, in the course of things, all the offi- 
cers and servants in India were in their immediate ap- 
pointment. 

" He then came to state Vv'hat was to be the nature 
of the government abroad; * Their authority should 
have the power of large discretion, accompanied v^ith 
the restraint of respousibility.' They should be bound 
to obey the orders of the board at home, but at the 
same time, they should have a sufficient quantity of 
power lor all the purposeiD of emergency, and all the 
L 2 



i£4 Life of the late 

occasions which the immense distance might give rise 
tt\ He went into a long detail to shew how much the 
influence created by the last bill, exceeded the influ- 
ence of this. Here ihe government abroad could at best 
select from among the appointments of the company — 
they could not make origmal appointments of their 
own. In addition to this, there v/as in the crown, and 
tjonsequently lu the two houses, by an address to the 
crown, the power of recal. 

'* It was to be enquired by whom the members of the 
councils abroad were to be appointed. The company 
had cheerfully yielded this point also to the crown. 
Me, ho'Aever, had his doubts on this subject, and 
therefore in his bill, the matter should be left for the 
wisdom of the house to decide ; but ^ the appointment 
Of the coinmaiulor'in-chief he thought should be clear- 
ly in tije crown/ lor the duties which he had to fulfil 
were so essentially connected with the great opera- 
tions of the state, that there could be no doubt on his 
appointment. 

'' The next consideration was the number of councils 
abroad. His idea was, ' that their number should be 
four, the governor-general to have the casting vote,' 
But this also he would leave to the house. The num- 
ber of the council at Bengal he did not mean to re- 
duce; for in this he followed the example of the right 
honourable gentleman, in not making the system a per- 
sonal question. 

'' The iate bill thought fit to vest all the power in the 
government here, and none or little in the government 
abroad. His idea was otherv/ise. He thought there- 
should be a power in the government abroad, large 
and broad, but guarded with responsibility. 



WILLIAM PJTT. 125 

" He proposed that there should be ' ^ revision of 
all the establishments in India, to see where retrench- 
ments might be made with safety — to see what were 
necessary, what were useful, and what, on account of 
their inutility, inconvenience, corruption, or abuse, 
ought to be extinguished/ This he recommended, 
for he believed that many of the abuses in India arose 
from the establishments being overloaded. 

*' Another reform struck him as essential, and which 
indeed was only the enforcement of an old rule. This 
was, * that all appointments in India should take place 
by gradation and succession.' Influence would by this 
means be very much diminished ; and indeed, v/ithout 
entering much into the nature and amount of the 
power, he imagined the government might be framed 
to possess all that was necessary to its purposes, with- 
out having so much as to create influence. He would 
speak only therefore of the great lines of power, with- 
put entering into the little detail. 

** His last proposition, he said, was, 'That there should 
be erected a new tribunal for the trial of offences in 
India.' He explained the necessity of such an institu- 
tion, and said, it would be for the wisdom of the house 
•to determine, its nature and authority. His idea was, 
that it should consist of a number of the principal per- 
sons in Westminster Hall in the first place; that civi- 
lians should also be joined; and also a number of 
peers, and a number of the members of the house of" 
commons. A tribunal thus constructed might, ki his 
idea, embrace the great object. The culprit might 
have the power of challenging ; and, before this tribu- 
nal, evidence might be admitted which the courts of 
law could not receive. They should be directed ia 
I. 3 



126 LIFBOF THE LATE 

question, to arraign ; they should determine the na- 
tore of offences; and in offences he would reckon the 
disobedience of orders, the acceptance of presents, op- 
pression of the natives, monopolies, rapacities, and 
all the train of offences which had tainted the national 
character in India. They should enquire into the per- 
sonal fortunes of the dehnquents; they should have the 
power of confiscation, and every thing but capital 
power. In regard to the Zemindars^ though he ad- 
mired the spirit of the right honourable gentleman to- 
wards them, yet he could not imitate it, on account 
of its impracticability. General indiscriminate resti- 
tution was as bad as indiscriminate confiscation. He 
proposed therefore, * That an enquiry should be insti- 
tuted into the confiscations, for the purpose of restor- 
ing such as had been irregularly and unjustly seized; 
and that they should be secured against violence in 
future.' 

*' He had taken notice of many more points, he said, 
than were included in his motion ; but he had thrown 
them out for the consideration of the house, as a sub- 
sequent bill must be brought in for regulations, or, 
what he believed would be eil'ectual, the bill of the 
right honourable gentlemdn now in the house might be 
modified to his purpose. He again gave a comparison 
between his bill and that which had been thrown out: 
and he declared that the establishment of a moderate 
and eftectual system of government for India was the 
great and immediate object of his mind. He did not 
wish to gratify young ambition by the places to which 
he was called; he was not attached to his eminence. 
* I am not," said Mr. Pitt, * governed^ at this moment 
fey motives of personal interest; or of personal fame, I 



WILLIAM PITT, 127 

4mve introduced this plan as the dehberate conviction 
of my mind, made up on the most serious considera 
tion of the most intelhgent men. Accept the ideas, 
if they are worth your notice; strengthen them with 
your wisdom ; mature them with your experience ; or, 
in their room, estabhsh a more adequate system, and 
1 am happy. 

' However unpleasant to me a majority of this house, 
and insinuations against me, must be, I shall incur 
the danger of them all on this great point — establish '^ 
good, rational, and safe system, and dispose of me 
as you will. I have the consciousness of a good inten- 
tion, and therefore, without having the serious fear, 
that personal considerations will be imputed to me; I 
conclude with moving, That leave be given to bring 
in a bill for the better regulation of India concerns/' 

Such is the ground-work of the law by which the 
affairs of India are ruled to this day; although, in the 
first instance, by means of the majority already men- 
tioned, it was rejected. (Jan. 23.) 

It is unnecessary to offer any further declaration of 
Mr, Pitt's sentiments on the subject of his assumption 
of the reigns of government, desirous as we are of en- 
abling him to deliver them in his own language, at once 
so perspicuous and elegant. 

On the 18th of February, however, the subject of 
the supplies came to be considered, and Mr. Pitt lirst 
thought it necessary to inform the house, that notwith- 
standing its frequent petitions and motions, the minis- 
try remained as before. 

This provoked the astonishment of Mr. Fox, who, 
in consequence moved an adjournment, delivering 
himself with much violence against thejiiinister, 
5 



128 LIFE OF THE LATE 

Mr. Pitt then said, '' he found himself called upon 
to say a few words on the very extraordinary speech 
which bad been just delivered by the right honourable 
gentleman (Mr. Fox) opposite to him. A great part 
of what had been said was evidently founded in a mis- 
conception of what had been stated previous to the de- 
bate. He was in the recollection of the house, and 
would appeal to all who heard him, whether he had 
stated what he said, as a message from his Majesty. 
The truth was, that he had not signified any immediate 
communication with the throne on the subject; and 
in order to put the subject out of doubt, he would re- 
peat his words, and leave the house to judge of their 
accuracy: 'That his Majesty had not thought pro- 
per to dismiss his ministers, in obedience to the reso- 
lutions of the house, and that his ministers had not 
resigned.' This declaration he stood pledged to make 
previous to the present discussion, and he thought it 
bis duty to state what he had done; but belittle ap- 
prehended sucli a use could have been made of it. He 
meant it only as an intimation of the present situation 
of ministry, that they were precisely in the same pre- 
dicament that had produced the resolutions which had 
been submitted to the consideration of his Majesty. 
The right honourable gentleman, however, had, with 
bis usual eloquence and ingenuity, laboured this as a 
direct answer from the throne. He, for his own part^ 
wished as much to bring the question to an issue as 
the right honourable gentleman affected to dread it. 

" An attempt was made to colour the puttiaig otf of 
the supplies, as if it was only the pause of a moment, 
and that this pause was occasioned by a circumstance 
which the house bad not foreseen, and which put the 



WILLIAM PITT. 12S 

house, the country, and public affairs, in quite a new 
situation. Allowing all this to be true, which he 
would not allow but tor the sake of argument, how 
could such an explanation of things put a dispute on 
facts which the least discernment might see through ? 
The supphes were, to all intents and purposes, stopped. 
I'he right honourable gentleman affects to call it post- 
poning, but he trusted the people of this country would 
see that the trick attempted to be put upon them and 
on this house, was too hollow to have effect. It could 
not, he was well persuaded, succeed against the good 
sense of the people of the country. But why would 
not gentlemen come openly and plainly forward ? He 
was sure no man would doubt that he allowed the 
right to the house of commons of withholding the sup- 
plies, whenever the circumstances of the case would 
justify such a measure ; but he was in hopes no man 
would say the present v/as a crisis of that knid, Tiie 
right honourable gentleman, conscious of the fact, was 
very prudently and consistently averse to push the 
question. It was then only that the conduct of his 
Majesty's ministers could be fully investigated. It 
was on this ground, and for this end, he would urge 
the going into that question ; and he challenged those 
on the other side to meet it fairly, openly, and with- 
out disguise or subterfuge. For in this discussion, the 
different motives of the contending parties would be 
obvious; and he would say, with the utmost confi- 
dence and sincerity, tliat it was a decision he could 
urge, and for which he was anxious, as he knew from 
the temper and principles of the house, they would be 
shy indeed, in the present state of the country, to with- 
hold those supplies on which the harmony and energy 



1 ' *^ 

loO LIFE OF THE LATE 

of government depended, and for. which the national 
faith was pledged. 

" IMany of the right honourable gentleman's argu- 
ments had been addressed personally to him, but with 
what propriety gentlemen of feeling and delicacy would 
judge. There were points in personal honour which 
no man of spirit could for any object whatever fore- 
go ; and whatever were his connexions or attachments, 
he hoped never to forfeit feelings, without which he 
could not retain consistently any opinion of himself. 
He would therefore declare once for all, that he con- 
sidered his personal honour deeply and inseparably 
concerned in the present situation which he held, and 
I that he would not on any account, or by any means, 
first resign, and then stoop to negociate; that was, 
leave his place in order to make part of a new admi- 
iiistration. What! w^ould he tell the world by such a 
step as this that he was capable of sacrificing any thing 
to the love of situation ! No. It did not become him 
to trifle in this manner, either with his own character, 
or his Majesty's confidence. But " at present he held 
a connexion with persons who contaminated him." 
Would this be any where else believed ? And what 
was the meaning of all those personalities so repeat- 
edly pointed to him, but that lie should relinquish one 
set of men in whom he trusted, and knew he could 
trust with safety, for another — that he should be ob- 
liged, for a paltry share in office, to sacrifice his per- 
sonal feelingS; and treat those with whom he had been 
long in liabits of intimacy and esteem, with a neglect 
which bordered on perfidy ? He was convinced the 
house and the public did not expect him to be capable 
of purchasmg the honour of otiice at so dear a rate. 



WILLIAM PITT. 131 

These were his ullimate sentiments, on a subject about 
which he had been much pressed, and he hoped they 
w^ould be considered as final/' 

The house adjourned with the voice of a small ma- 
jority. 

As the best picture of the prevailing circumstances 
of the times, and of the manly dignity and inviolable 
perseverance of Mr. Pitt, the following speech is finally 
given. 

On the 20th of February the attack upon adminis- 
tration was commenced by Mr. Powys, who reviewing 
what had been already done, moved as usual, *^ That 
this house, impressed with the most dutiful sense of 
his iSIajesty's paternal regard for the welfare of his 
people, relies on his Majesty's royal wisdom, that he' 
will take such measures as will tend to give effect to 
the wishes of his faithful commons, which have already 
most humbly represented to his Majesty, by removing 
any obstacle to forming such an administration as the 
house has declared to be requisite in the present criti- 
cal and arduous situation of aftairs."" 

Mr. Pitt succeeded Mr. Fox in the debate, as fol- 
lows: — 

*' The right honourable gentleman, Sir, has gone 
through so vast an expanse of matter, he has embarked 
the house in so wide an ocean of politics, that it is im- 
possible for me to follow him through the whole course 
of his speech. I beg leave, however, while both the 
house and myself are fresh m the remembrance of it, 
to press upon them again what the right honourable 
gentleman himself, at the close of his speech, has this 
day at last been driven to confess, though I had long la- 
boured, and, as 1 began to fear, had laboured in vain to 



132: LIFE OF THE LATE 

convince him of it ; namely, that if tlie right honorable 
gentleman and the noble lord in the blue ribbon, should 
regain their situation, should expel all his Majesty's 
present ministers, and resume their old measures, their 
restoration would not ensure the restoration of peace, 
and of content to this distracted country. The right 
honourable gentleman now confesses it ; and yet, Sir, 
he ought also to confess, and to know and feel, that 
his present measures do most directly tend to the re- 
establishment of that coalition, to the certain exclu- 
sion of his Majesty's present ministers, and to that 
very calamity, which he himself now begins to dread, 
and with the dread of which, I had so strenuously en- 
deavored to inspire the house. Procrastination was 
now become his plan. I wish not to be understood as 
calling for violent measures; but this I will say, that 
merely to temporise is no man's duty at the present 
moment. If, therefore, every violence is intended 
against this administration, let us not keep the coun- 
try in suspense, but let us advance like uien to the 
issue of this combat ; the present question is weak and. 
feeble, compared with those which have gone before 
it; and I dare say, therefore, every gentlemaii must 
expect that it will be without eifect. 

" The riglit honourable gentleman, Sir, has ap- ~ 
peared to-night in a character perfectly new to him,, 
but which he has supported (as, indeed, he supports 
every one of his characters) with wonderful dexterity : 
he is to-night the champion of the majority of this 
house against the voice of the people. Imposture was 
the word used by his learned friend ; the right honour- 
able gentleman improves upon the idea, and tells you 
that imposture was a word used merely by way of 



V/ILLIAM PITT. 133 

Civility; it is by way of complimenting the people of 
England, that the right honourable gentleman says 
their opinions are founded in imposture; and then, by- 
way of libelling these addresses, and of libelling this 
reign, he recals to your mind the addresses offered iii 
the infamous reign of king Charles the Second, afi'ecling 
to furnish the house with a case somewhat in point, 
and warning them not to trust at all to the most una- 
nimous addresses of the people of England, by summa- 
rily mentioning those which were ofiered to that mo- 
narch, requesting the crown to take into its hands and 
protection the several charters of this country. Sir, I 
beg these allusions may not pass off unexplained : the 
case was this. — After many cruel and scandalous deci- 
sions in the courts agafhst chartered companies, in a 
fit of desperation, the several corporations offered their 
charters to the crown, as the only protection against 
this tyranny; and sliall I hear this cited by way of 
hbelling addresses of the people at this timer I believe 
i,n truth. Sir, the right honourable gentleman is sur- 
prised and exasperated at the manly spirit of the peo- 
ple in these times, who will not wait till their charters 
are prostituted to the purposes of ministeis, and then 
seek relief by yielding them to the crown; but who 
boldly resist the violation in the iirst instance, and who 
are as hardy in their resistance, as the right honour- 
able gentleman has been in his attack. 

" But, says the right honourable gentleman, how 
should the people understand the India bill? Do they 
know all the abuses in India? True, Sir, the people 
may not, have read all your voluminous reports, nei- 
ther, perhaps, have one half of the members of this 
liouse read them ; but, Sir, they know that no abuses 

NO. 15, M 



134 LIFE OF THE LATE 

in India— that the very loss of India — that the annihi- 
iution of India could not compensate for the ruin of 
this constitution. The plain sense of this country 
could see that objection to the India bill, which I could 
cever persuade the right honourable gentleman to ad- 
vert to : they could see, that it raised up a new power 
in this constitution, that it stripped at once the crown 
of its prerogative, and the people of their chartered 
rights, and that it created that right honourable gen- 
tleman to be the dictator of his king and his country. 
But, Sir, the right honourable gentleman venturing 
still to deny that the addresses have sufficiently marked 
what IS the opinion of the people; and then he talks 
of battles at Reading, of battles at Hackney, and 
battles at Westminster. At Reading, Sir, lunderstand 
there was no battle ; the county addressed unanimously 
against the opinion and in the face of its members, 
although the honourable member (Major Hartley) 
assures you he now exerted his oratory to deprecate 
the afjdress. As for Hackney, I behold over against 
me a iiiost valiant chieftain (iSIr. Byng) who is just re- 
turned from that iield of Mars, whose brow, indeed, 
IS not, as before, adorned with the smile of victory, 
but from whose mouth I doubt not we shall hear a 
iailhfui, although, alas! Sir, a most lamentable his- 
tory of that unfortunate tlight and defeat. Whether at 
We8ta}inbter it is sufficient proof of victory to sa}', 
^' the people would not even hear me ;'' whether that 
right honourable geniieman, who once could charm 
th^ multitude into dumb admiration of his eloquence, 
and into silent gratitude for his exertions in the cause 
of freedom, and of his country ; whether he, the cham- 
pioa of the people, once erMphatically named the 



WILLIAM PITT. 135 

'* man of the people/' is now content with the execra- 
tions of those multitudes, who once, perhaps, too 
much adored him; whether, in short, Sir, the sono- 
rous voice of my noble friend was a host itself, or 
whether it might not have become a host by being 
joined to the host of the voices around him; all these 
are points 1 will not decide : but sure I am, that the 
right honourable gentleman will not persuade me that 
the voice of the people is with him if Westminster is 
his only example. There is one thing the right honour- 
able gentleman proves merely by strong affirmations, 
to which, therefore, I can oppose affirmations as strong 
on my part: he says his late majorities have been 
composed of men the most independent in their prin- 
ciples, respectable in their situations, and honourable 
for their connexions. 1 can only affirm as roundly in 
answer, that the minority is by no means inferior to 
tbem, in point either of principles, of respectability, or 
of independence. Having thus disposed of the people 
and tlie minority of the house of commons, large as it 
certainly is, the right honourable gentleman proceeds 
iiext to dispose of the majority in the house of lords, 
and he denies that they were respectable. Sir, if the 
right honourable gentleman will trouble himself with 
this kind of calculation, I am not afraid to match the 
majority there against the minority, either on the score 
of independance, of property, of long hereditary ho- 
nours, of knowledge of the law and the constitution, or 
on the score of any thing that can give respect and dig- 
nity to peerage. And, Mr. Speaker, when 1 look 
near me, [looking at Mr. Pratt] when 1 see near whom 
1 am now standing, I am not afraid to place, in the 
from of that battle, (for at that battle the noble peer 
■ M 2 



136 LIFE OF THE LATE 

whom I allade to, was not afraid to buckle on his old 
armour, and march forth, as if inspired with his youth- 
ful vigour, to the charge) 1 say, Sir, I am not afraid 
to place foremost, at the head and in the very front of 
that battle, that noble and illustrious peer (Lord Cam- 
den) venerable as he is for his years, venerable for his 
abilities, adored and venerated through this country 
on account of his veneration for this glorious constitu- 
tion, high in rank and honour, and possessing, as he 
does, in these tumultuous times, an equanimity and 
dignity of mind that render him infinitely superior 
to that wretched party spirit, with which the world 
may fancy us to be infected. 

*^ But, Sir, I am carried too far ; my warm admira- 
tion of the subject has hurried me into expressions, 
perhaps, not perfectly becoming the strictness of this 
debate. The point which I should particularly speak 
to, and the great subject of contention between ua, 
is, whether I shall resign, in order afterwards to re- 
turn into office; and the example of the noble lord in 
the blue ribbon is held out for my imitation; for he, 
it is said, is willing to sacrifice his personal pretentions 
for the sake of unanimity. Good God ! Mr. Speaker, 
can any thing that I have said, subject me to be branded 
with the imputation of preferring my personal situa- 
tion to the public happiness ? Sir, I have declared 
again and again, only prove to me that there is any 
reasonable hope, shew me but the most distant pros* 
pect, that my resignation will at all contribute to re- 
store peace and happiness to the country, and I will 
instantly resign. But, Sir, I declare at the same time, 
I will not be induced to resign as a preliminary to ne- 
c[ociation. 1 will not abandon this situation in order 



WILLIAM PITT, 137 

to tlirow myself upon the mercy of that right honour* 
able gentleman. He calls me now a mere nominal 
minister, the mere puppet of secret influence. Sir, it 
is because I will not become a mere nominal minister 
of his creation; it is because I disdain to become the 
puppet of that right honourable gentleman, that I will 
jjot tesign: neither shall his contemptuous expressions 
provoke me to resignation : my own honour and repu- 
tation 1 never will resign. That I am now standing on 
the rotten ground of secret influence I will not allow ; 
nor yet will I quit this ground, in order to put myself, 
as the right honourable gentleman calls it, under his 
protection, in order to accept of the nomination at his 
hands, and in order to become'a poor self-condemned, 
helpless, unprofitable minister in his train — a minister, 
perhaps some way serviceable to that right honourable 
gentleman, but totally unserviceable to my king and to 
my country. If I have, indeed, submitted to become the 
puppet and minion of the crown, why should that right 
honourable gentleman condescend to receive me into 
his band ? It seems, however, that I have too much 
of the personal confidence of my Sovereign, and that I 
must resign, in order to return into administration, 
having only an equal share of it with others. But the 
right honourable gentleman knows that my appoint- 
ment would, in that case, be only as a '* piece of parch- 
ment/' Admit that I have more than my share of the 
king's confidence, yet hov; is my being out of office for 
two days to make any diminution of that confidence f 
The right honourable gentleman therefore, every mo- 
ment contradicts his own principles, and he knows that 
if I were first to resign, in the forlorn hope of return- 
iijg as a!i efficient miaistei* into administration, 1 should 
M 3 



138 LIFE OF THE LATE 

become the mere sport and ridicule of my opponent; 
nay, and forfeit also the good opinion of those, by 
whose independant support I am now honoured : for 
when I shall have sacrificed my reputation for that 
support which I am told shall arise to me from that 
right honourable gentleman's protection, when I shall 
bave bartered my honour for his great connexions, 
what shall 1 become but the slave of his connexions, 
the sport and tool of a party ? for a while, perhaps, 
the minister appointed by that party, but no longer 
useful to my country, or myself independent. 

" The right honourable gentleman tells you. Sir, 
that he means to stop the supplies again to-night, but 
that he shall only postpone them occasionally. He 
stopped them at once, because the king did not listen 
to the voice of his commons, he now ceases to stop 
them, though the same cause still exists. Now, 
Sir, what is all this but a mere useless bravado ? — a 
bravado calculated to alarm the country, but totally 
ineffectual for the object for which it was intended. I 
grant, indeed, with him, that if all the money destined 
to pay the public creditors is voted, one great part of 
the mischief is avoided. But, Sir, let not this house 
think it a small thing to stop the money for all public 
services ; let us not think that, while such prodigious 
sums of money flow into the public coffers, without 
being suffered to flow out again, the circulation of 
wealth in the country will be stopped nor the public 
credit affected. It has been said, indeed, " how is it 
possible that parliament should trust public money in 
the hands of those, in whom they have expressly de- 
clared they cannot confide ?" Is there any thing then 
in my character so flagitious J aml^ the chief minister 



WILLIAM PITT* 139 

cf the treasury, so suspected of alienating the public 
money to my own, or any sinister purpuse, that I am 
not to be trusted with the ordinary issues ? [a cry of 
" No ! No!"] — Why then, Sir, if they renounce the 
imputation, let them renounce the argument. By what 
I am now going to say, perhaps I may subject myself 
to the invidious imputation of being the minister and 
friend of prerogative ; but. Sir, notwithstanding those 
terms of obloquy with which I am assailed, I will not 
shrink from avowing myself the friend of the king's 
just prerogative. Prerogative, Sir, has been justly 
called a part of the rights of the people, and sure lam 
it is a part of their rights, which the' people were never 
more disposed to defend, of which they were never 
more jealous than at this hour. Grant only this, that 
this house has a negative in the appointment of minis- 
ters, and you transplant the executive power into this 
house. Sir, 1 shall call upon gentlemen to speak out ; 
let them not come to resolution after resolution, with- 
out stating the grounds on which they act; for there is 
nothing more dangerous among mixed powers than 
that one branch of the legislature should attack ano- 
ther by means of hints and auxihary arguments, urged 
only in debate, without daring to avow the direct 
grounds on which they go, and without stating in plain 
terms, on the face of their resolutions, what are their 
motives, and what are their principles which lead them 
to come to such resolutions. Above all, Sir, let this 
house beware of sutfering any individual to involve his 
own cause, and to interweave his own interests in the 
resolutions of the house of commons. The dignity of 
the house is for ever appealed to : let us beware that 
personal prejudices have no share in deciding these 



140 LIFE OF THE LATE 

constitutional questions. The right honourable gentle- 
man is possessed of those enchanting arts whereby he 
can give grace to deformity ; he holds before your 
eyes a beautiful and delusive vision; he pushes it for- 
ward to your observation ; but as sure as you embrace 
it, the pleasing vision will vanish, and this fair phan- 
tom of liberty will be succeeded by anarchy, confusion 
and ruin to the constitution. For, in truth, Sir, if 
the constitutional independance of the crown is thus 
reduced to the very verge of annihilation, whera is 
the boasted equipoise of the constitution ? Where is 
that balance among the three branches of the legisla- 
ture which our ancestors have measured out to each 
with so much precision ? Where is the independance — 
nay where is even the safety of any one prerogative 
of the crown, or even of the crown itself, if its prero- 
gative of naming ministers is to be occupied by this 
house, or if, (which is precisely the same thing) its 
nomination of them is to be negatived by us without 
stating any one ground of distrust in the men, and 
without suffering ourselves to have any experience of 
their measures ? Dreadful therefore as the conflict is, 
my conscience, my duty, my fixed regard for the con- 
stitution' of our ancestors, maintain me still in this 
arduous situation, it is not any proud contempt or 
defiance of the constitutional resolution of this house; 
it is no personal point of honour; much less is it any 
lust of power that makes me cling to office : the sitiui- 
tion of the times requires of me, and I will add, my 
country calls aloud to me, that I will defend this 
castle; and I am determined, therefore, I will de- 
fend it!'' 

Notwithstanding this energetic and sensible decia- 



WILLIAM PITT. 141 

ration of bis principles, Mr. Pitt yet remained in a 
minority and the address to the king was ordered to 
be presented to the throne by the whole house. 

A gracious answer was the result, in which his Ma- 
jesty differed from his faithful commons in the means 
of attaining the end they had in view. It was the 
cause of another address which, however, did not suc- 
ceed any better than the former; on the 24th of March, 
the parliament was prorogued, and dissolved the fol- 
lowing da3^ 

This is the first time we can view Mr. Pitt as the 
efficient minister of the British empire. Whatever his 
talents or whatever the distinction he had obtained in 
his country, it is now only that we have an opportu- 
nity of examining his principles and his motives at lei- 
sure from the turbulence of faction and contentions of 
the most unworthy kind. 

We are now arrived at that period to which we 
have hitherto bent our notice. The struggles of 
party offer no evidenc© whereby to judge of charac- 
ter and talents, any more than the regular tempera* 
ment of nature is to be discovered in a tempest. Till 
these were past, or at least so far subdued, as to leave 
to the hand guiding the helm of government that power 
only to be maintained by a decided majority in par- 
liament, it has been judged best to withold from those 
minor circumstances which are interesting only as the 
traits of human nature; or what, in this volume, is 
more important, for those examinations of the state of 
affairs which, by guiding us to the true character of 
Mr. Pitt's motives and principles of government, may 
suable us to judge of their e^ccellence or deHciencvj 



142 LIFE OF THE LATE 

and to offer their experience to the acceptance or re- 
jection of his successors. 

In this we are much gratified in being able to call to 
our assistance the seniiinents of those the best able to 
judge in every part of his conduct. With these we 
shall preface whatever of our own has occurred to its 
illustration, as well as those facts which mark the state 
of the country at the same time. 

^' VVilhout dweiling," says his eulogist,* " upon the 
circumstances of his introduction into parliament, I 
shall observe that at once, and from the first, he dis- 
played a brilliancy of eloquence, a maturity of under- 
standing, and a correctness of judgment, which excited 
the utmost astonishment in those who bad been accus- 
tomed to consider these quahties, even in an inferior 
degree, as the late acquisition of age and experience. 
And let it be remembered, that among the persons 
who expressed the greatest surprise, were many who 
had Jong witnessed and admired the hitherto unequalled 
talents of the hnmortal Chatham, Before he had com- 
pleted his twenty-fourth year, the first political situa- 
tion in this country was offered to him. Instead of 
eagerly catching at this dazzling offer, which was made 
in terms best calculated to produce this effect, he re-* 
solutely declined it. He saw that, from the state of 
parties, he could not accept it with advantage to his 
king and country; and thus he gave an early proof of 
that principle which was the invariable rule of his sub- 
sequent conduct. In a few months, however, a consi- 



* Speech of W. E. Fretyman Tomline, in Trin. Coll. Chap. 
Pec. 17, 1.80(), 



^"ILLIAM PITT. 143 

derable change in political affairs took plctce, and, upoa 
a renewal of the offer, he perceived that the same mo- 
tive which had before induced him to decline, now 
called upon him to accept this high, and at his age, 
unjDrecedented honor. The love of power is a ruling 
passion in the human mind, and is, perhaps, insepa- 
rable from the consciousness of great abilities : it is a 
virtue or a vice, a blessing or a curse, according to the 
motives which excite, and the means which are used to 
gratify it. Under the direction of sound principle, it 
has been productive of the greatest national benefit ; 
but, under an opposite influence, it has been the cause 
of a large share of the public misery and distress, which 
at various periods have afflicted the inhabitants of the 
world. 

" In the struggle v;hich ensued, and which was at- 
tended with circumstances so unparalleled in the his- 
tory of parliament, Mr. Pitt evinced a firmness of 
character, and a determined perseverance in what he. 
believed and knew to be right, which at length tri- 
umphed over every difticulty. In contending for the 
prerogative of the crown, he gained the favor of the 
people in an unexampled degree. By an appeal to the 
exertions of the House of Commons, it was proved 
that Enghshmen are not more jealous of their own 
rights than of the rights of their sovereign; and that 
they consider those as the true friends of our invalu- 
able constitution, who are careful to preserve to all its 
parts their respective privileges and functions. They 
well knew that if the equilibrium be once destroyed, 
the ruin of the whole must quickly follow : they distin- 
guished between real patriotism and lawless ambition. 
Among the numerous marks of public approbation 

6 



144 ^ ' LIFE OF THE lATE 

which Mr. Pitt at this time received from every part 
of the kingdom, there was none upon which he set a 
greater value, than the being chosen representaHve of 
this university; he felt the warmest attachment to the 
place of his education ; and to be peculiarly entrusted 
with the interests of religion and learning, could not 
but be highly gratifying to his enlightened mind. 

** He now entered upon a new scene. Animated by 
the favor of his sovereign, and encouraged by the sup- 
port of the people, he determined to devote his whole 
time and thoughts to the momentous duties of his 
office. Here let us pause a moment, to consider whe- 
ther the situation of the country afforded any alluring 
prospect to a young and inexperienced minister. 

'Mf we reflect that a new arrangement of the affairs 
of the East India company was indispensably neces- 
sary, and that this had been ineffectually attempted 
both by himself and his immediate predecessors, and 
had already produced eager contests in parliament ; if 
we reflect that a long and disastrous war, recently 
concluded, had left the country impoverished and 
exhausted; that its income was by no means equal to 
the expenditure of a peace establishment, and that a 
large and accumulating debt remained totally unpro- 
vided for; if we reflect upon the inefficiency of his 
coadjutors, and upon the splendid talents, powerful 
eloquence, and commanding influence of his opponents, 
— we must surely acknowledge that Mr. Pitt had no 
ordinary difficulties to surmount. But the energy of 
his mind ever rose with the occasion, — dangers never 
depressed, difficulties never embarrassed him, 

" He first digested and established a plan, which has 
not only given security to our possessions in the East, 



WILLIAM PITT. 145 

but has contributed to tlie extension of our territory 
and trade, and has guarded against peculation and eor- 
ruption, to which such distant concerns are peculiarlj^ 
liable : and these objects were accomplished without 
any violation of chartered rights, or any unconsti- 
tutional addition of ministerial patronage. This great 
business being completed, he directed his principal 
attention to finance ; and by selecting proper objects ' 
for new taxation, by introducing a variety of important 
regulations which rendered the old taxes more produc* 
live, and by correcting frauds and abuses which had 
long prevailed in the collection of the revenue, he 
made the income of the country fully competent to 
satisfy every demand, and raised public credit from 
the low state to which it had been depressed. He 
rested not here: the danger from the national debt, 
continually increasing in every year of war, and in some 
years of peace, had been long seen and acknowledged'; 
but no minister had yet dared to take any effectual 
step for its liquidation. This debt had now risen to 
so enormous an amount, that it was generally believed 
another war must inevitably occasion public bank- 
ruptcy. No one was more strongly impressed with 
this idea, no one more ready to avow it, than Mr. Pitt 
himself. Hence various {Projects for preventincr this 
incalculable evil were communicated to him by inge- 
nious and speculative men ; but, after a careful and 
impartial examination, he rejected them all as inade- 
quate and impracticable. Instead of any of these visi- 
onary schemes, which would rather have aggravated 
than lessened the evil, he adopted that plain and 
simple mode, the suggestion of his own mind, the wis- 
dom and efficacy of which have been ineontroverlibly 



146 LIFE OF THE LATE 

-proved by the experience of more than twenty years. 
In the course of this long period, its operation has been 
uniform and regular; ho revisal, no alteration, has 
been necessary; no improvement either in the prin- 
ciple, or in the application of the principle, has been 
even attempted. in the progress of this measure 
through the House of Commons, its merits were so 
obvious, as to extort the commendation and support of 
those who acted in systematic opposition to govern- 
ment ; and this magnanimous concurrence in parlia- 
ment was prophetic of that universal admiration which 
it has since obcamed among all political parties, and 
all descriptions of men. 

*' But tb.e active and comprehensive mind of this 
truly wonderful man was not content with relieving 
his country irom the pressure of present burthens : he 
formed another plan, so exclusively his own, that the 
idea seems never to have entered the thoughts .af any 
other person. By this plan it was made absolutely 
impossible to contract any new debt, without at the 
same time providing the means of discharging it within 
a moderate number of years, iiaving by his former 
sinking fund removed all danger arising from the exist- 
m^ debt mcurred by past wars, by this new sinking 
fund, which was so contrived that it must necessarily 
increase with the increasing debt, he obviat<?d, as far 
as the nature of the thing will admit, the danger to be 
apprehended from the expenses of all future wars to 
llie latest period of time. Can a more perfect system 
ofiinance be conceived by the imagination of man ? 
Can human foresight be directed to a more useful 
political purpose ? To the united . effect of these two 
measures we are indebted for the power of carrying ou 



WILLIAM PITT- 147 

that contest in which we have now been engaged for 
nearly fourteen years in defence of the liberty and in- 
dependence of our country. 

** That nothing misbt be wantins: to our internal 
welfare, he was studious to improve our resources, by 
giving every possible encouragement to trade, naviga- 
tion, and manufactures; and to the wisdom and policy 
of his regulations upon those important points, the 
commercial part of the community has been ever 
ready to bear the amplest testimony. Never, perhaps, 
was tliere a more favorable change in the general situ- 
ation of any country, than in the lirst nine years of 
Mr. Pitt's adarlnistration. The dejection and gloom 
which hang over this kingdom at the beginning of that 
period, were gradually dispelled, and were bucce(?ded 
by a degree of prosperity far beyond the most sanguine 
expectation's/' 

Of this view of circumstances there can be no doubt. 
To the right reverend relation of the present orator, 
Mr. Pitt owed his highest acquisitions; and between 
them subsisted to the last moments of his valuable 
life the closest, the most honorable intimacy. From 
the pen of the Bishop of Lincoln himself, it has been 
hoped that the public would be favored with some 
record of his great and extraordinary pupil. But his 
is the grief that never dies ! — and this funeral oration 
pronounced in the university of which its subject was 
a member, to which even in life he was already so dear, 
as that a sum little short of eight thousand pounds 
had been readily subscribed tov^^ards a statue in honor 
of him, may, therefore, be considered 'as all which 
pious friendship, and zealous talents, overwhelmed iu 
affliction, can accord. 

N 2 



148 LIFE OF THE LATE 

There is little to add to it, except the minor circtim- 
stances, which the pubhc journals, and some less fleet- 
ing memorials afford. 

According to these, on the 26th of January, in the 
present year (3 784) a meeting was held at the Str 
Alban's Tavern, at which a committee was formed 
of the following gentlemen, — the Hon. Mr. Grosvenor, 
the Hon. Charles Walsham, Sir William Lemon, and 
Mr. Powys, to confer with the leaders of the great 
political powers by which the nation was agitated. An 
address was signed by fifty-three members of the House 
oi Commons, recommending an union to this efifect,. 
which was presented to the Duke of Portland and Mr, 
Pitt. The latter expressed a willingness to enter into 
the views of the committee, but the Duke of Rutland 
inserting that, as a preliminary^ he should resign his 
place, the negociation was suspended. The duke was 
afterwards invited to a conference with Mr. Pitt, at the 
express desire of the King, for the purpose of forming 
a new administration on eqtial terms, which never 
took place, from Mr. Pitt refusing to come to an ex- 
planation of the term equal. Thus the negociation was 
finally terminated. 

The tollowing is from the same source : — 

*' At the period when the coahtion ministry was 
formed, Mr. INlansfield's seat for the university of 
Cambridge became vacant by his acceptance of the 
office of Solicitor General, and Mr. Pitt determined 
to oppose him. He accordingly went down to Cam- 
bridge, but was treated with contempt by the heads of 
houses and senior members. One threw the door al- 
most in his face, and wondered at the impudence of 
the young man, thus to come down and disturb the 



M'lLLIAM PITT. 149 

peace of the university ! The scene was now changed. 
He came down in triumph, w^as received with open 
arms, carried his election with a considerable majoiity. 
and was able also, by his influence, to make Lord 
Euston his colleague/' 

The period of the \Vestminster election was of the 
most extraordinary kind. Its violence did not fail to 
reach even the minister himself. 

The freedom of the city of London being given to 
Mr. Pitt, (on which occasion Mr, Wilkes addressed him 
in a very complimentary speech,) and that gentleman 
becoming a member of the grocer's company, a splen- 
did entertainnient was given in honor of him at their 
hall, on the Jst of March, 17S4<. At night, on the 
return of the cavalcade, a mob assembled, drew the 
carriages, and, on their way, broke the windows of 
many houses, to compel the inhabitants to illuminate. 
Even the palace of the prince of Wales was not spared ; 
and when they came to Weltjies (the prince's steward) 
in St. James's street, the tumult rose to a great height. 
Colonel North, Mr. Seymour Finch, and other gentle- 
men being ^^in the house, appeared on the balcony? 
where they drank *' Fox for ever,'' instead of sub- 
mitting to illuminate. The populace demolished the 
windows, and then proceeded with tlie carriages to 
Brookes's subscription club house. Here they drew 
up Mr. Pitt, the Earl of Chatham, Lord Sidney, and 
Lord Mahon, under the v;indows, and again began the 
attack. Here also the gentlemen from the balcony 
positively refused to comply with their demand for 
lights. The mob vociferated *' Pitt and the constitu- 
tion/' The other party returned, 'VFox and a popu-- 
lar government. The multitude now begau to assail 
:^ 3 



150 LIFE OF THE LATE 

the house with stones, on which the chairmen in wait- 
ing at the doors sallied out with their poles, and in a 
few minutes dispersed the mob. A flambeau was 
thrown into the carriage ; on which Mr. Pitt and his 
iCompanioDs alighted, and made good their retreat 
into Whitens. The carriage which belonged to the Earl 
of Chatham was broken, and order was only restored 
by a guard. 

WhHe Mr. Pitt (say the same sources) was out of 
office, his attention was unremittingly directed to the 
good of his country. One great cause of the distressed , 
state of our finances, was the defalcation of the reve- 
nue by smuggling. To acquire an accurate knowledge 
relative to the details'of this subject he bestowed much 
pains, attention, and expence. In the autumn of 
17 S3, having been informed that an opportunity pre- 
sented itself of obtaining very accurate and extensive 
information if he would go to Calais, he set out for 
Dover, but, on his arrival, found that, from an equi- 
noctial storm, the streights were almost impassable. 
Steady, however, to his purpose, and regardless of 
danger, when incurred for a momentous object, he 
prevailed on a skipper to undertake the passage. 
Scarcely had they cleared the pier, when the storm 
became so boisterous that the skipper declared it im- 
possible to proceed. Mr» Pitt offered him fifty gui- 
neas; but the man, not knowing bis passenger, though 
iirst tempted by the offer, rejected it, in the idea that 
the proflerer of such a sum must be running away from 
his country for a forgery or a murder. Mr. Pitt telling 
bim and convincing him who he was, he at last went 
on, and after encountering great danger, arrived at 
Calais ; where the facts which he had learned; and the 



WILLIAM PITT. 151 

modes and proceedings which he discovered^ were such 
as to be afterwards extremely useful to himself and to 
his country. — This was one instance, among many 
which might be adduced, of his steady and vigorous 
perseverance. 

Mr. Pitt in the above excursion, visited Dunkirk, 
Ostend, and other sea-ports on the continent ; and on 
his return, the most noted smuggling places on the 
coast of Sussex and Kent. 

To return to the political course of Mr. Pitt, in 
which with so much vigour he ^displays himself, the 
attention of the reader is only attracted to the two 
grand features of the rival ministers of Britain ; that 
which had already been displayed by Mr. Fox in his 
two short administrations ; and that which was now 
opening to view under the auspices of Mr. Pitt, and 
on which we shall enlarge hereafter. 

Leaving the two succeeding years from his accession 
to the helm of affairs to be employed in the manner 
we have seen, the trial of Mr. Hastings becomes the 
next object of consideration. 

That gentleman, the obnoxious gevernor already 
mentioned in the affairs of India, had arrived in Eng- 
land in 1785, and early in the ensuing year Mr. Burke 
made his pre-determined efforts against him. Some 
difficulties occurred, arising from an injudicious de- 
fence prematurely offered at the bar of the commons 
by Mr. Hastings, and still more from the variety of 
opinions as to the modes of trial to be adopted. 

Little more than the primary charge had been 
brought forward in 17S6, but the subject was early 
resumed in the following yearj and, on the 5th of 

5 



152 LIFE OF THE LATE 

May, 1787> the sentiments of the minister were as 
follow : 

Mr. Pitt said, " that he had deferred giving his 
sentiments on the question so long, because he found 
many gentlemen who were averse to the prosecution, 
had hitherto reserved themselves on the various stages 
through which the business had already passed, and 
had taken the present opportunity of delivering their 
opinions at large, upon the whole of the subject, and 
had then, for the first time entered into the defence of 
of Mr. Hastings. As Uiis seemed to be the case, he 
thought it was but justice to those gentlemen, to Mr. 
Hastings, and to the cause, to hear what they had to 
say without interrupting them, or anticipating their 
general argument in favour of INIr. Hastings, by a par- 
ticular discussion of the question immediately before 
the house. Those gentlemen who had not taken up 
the question either as to the forrn of the articles, or 
the mode of proceeding, but had confined themselves 
solely to the broad consideration, whether Mr. Hast- 
ings was or was not guilty of crimes, sufhciently glar- 
ing to render him deserving of punishment; and this 
discussion had been handled in a variety of ways by 
tlie several gentlemen who had undertaken it, and all 
of them had gone the length of acquiring that there 
should be a complete and final conclusion to the whole 
proceeding — an opinion that he was ready to declare 
his own perfect and entire dissent from ; for he felt 
himself totally at a loss to conceive how it could be 
reconciled, to the honour, the consistency, or the jus- 
tice of that house, to stop short the sending up the im- 
peachment to that place, where alone it ou^ht to ua* 
der^o its ultimate discussion. 



WILLIAM PITT. 15S 

'* The noble lord (Lerd Hood) who had opened the 
debate, and the honourable magistrate who followed 
him, had confined themselves wholly to a collateral 
question, and not one immediately connected with that 
before the house, to the merits of Mr. Hastings, which 
they pleaded as a set-off against his offences. This 
was a ground which he expected and hoped would 
have been abandoned, after what had already passed 
upon that subject, both from Mr. Hastings himself, 
who had declaimed any such plea, and from many of 
the gentlemen who had delivered their opinions in the 
debate on the several charges. For his own part such 
was his opinion of many parts of the charges brought 
against Mr. Hastings of their importance and crimi* 
nality, that he could not conceive, if they were well-? 
founded^ how the highest and the greatest merits which 
had ever been alleged in favour of Mr. Hastings, could 
be set in opposition to them as a plea even against 
conviction and punishment — much less against enqui- 
ry and trial, which were now the objects in question. 
His learned friend (the lord advocate, Mr. Dundas) 
had very judiciously taken a different ground, and 
given up that set-off \ but still the principles he went 
on were no less objectionable, than those of the noble 
lord and the honourable alderman ; he had treated 
the subject as if it was deficient of that consequence or 
magnitude which could entitle it to the judgment of 
that high and weighty tribunal to which it was pro- 
posed to submit it, and had besides endeavoured to 
oppose the farther progress of the business in that 
house, byanalagous reasonings from the nature of this 
form of proceedings in parliament and that of grand 
juries and other courts. But he could not conceive 



154 LIFE OF THE LATE 

feow any gentleman coald possibly consider the char- 
ges against Mr. Hastings in any other light, than as a' 
very grave, heavy, and serious acc^usation, such as was 
supported by evidence at least sufficient to warrant 
the putting him on the trial, and such as was of mag* 
nitude sufficient, if substantiated in proof, to bring 
down on him very ample punishment. 

*' As to the analogies to other inquests, the learned 
lord himself, and those who entertained opinions simi- 
l-ar to his, had themselves shown how little their ana- 
logous reasonings applied, for they all seemed to go 
upon an idea, that the finding matter sufficient to put 
the party on his trial was assuming, for a certainty? 
that there was sufficient matter to convict. But this 
was by no means the case ; for it was never supposed 
or imagined that exactly the same degree of evidence 
which was sufficient to warrant an impeachment of 
that house, must necessarily be sufficient to support 
and insure a conviction ; neither was this the case in 
the finding of .a grand jury : in both cases the final 
judicature must have proof considerably more sub- 
stantial than that which the original inquest would 
been justifiable in proceeding upon. But it was im- 
possible for that house to govern itself exactly by the 
rules of a grand jury •, for the subjects that were likely 
to become objects of impeachment, were so different 
from those with which grand juries are conversant, 
that no apology could take place in their modes of pro- 
ceedings. Besides if the house of commons were to 
take the proceedings of a grand jury as their precedent, 
and follow it exactly in all instances, it would amount 
to a complete dereliction of that function which bad 
been the bulwark of the constitution, and which had 



WILLIAM PITT. 155 

enabled that house to preserve and maintain the free- 
dom of their country, through the severe struggles they- 
had made for that purpose. Was that house compe- 
tent to take deposition and evidence upon oath; It 
certainly was not ; and, therefore, if it were not to 
proceed to an impeachment upon any other species of 
evidence than would justify a grand jury in finding a 
bill of indictment, it must never impeach at all ; for 
a grand jury could not find it except upon affidavit. 
Still he admitted that the house ought never to go t6 
such a length, as the carrying up of an impeachment, 
except upon such evidence as would afford a reasonable 
probability of their being able to make good their 
charge before the other house ; and was there not 
here, from what had been produced in support of this 
charge and from the collateral and indirect matter, 
which had alone been resorted to in defence of that 
chargje, very reasonable grounds for expecting that 
they should be able to make good the present ? 

** An honourable magistrate (Alderman Townshend) 
had inveighed with gr^at severity on the conduct of 
gentlemen who (he thought) in support of the charge, 
had used expressions of too violent and personal a na*- 
ture to be admitted in the progress of a judicial enqui- 
ry, he certainly was of opinion that there was much 
in' any attempt to iufiaiiie and excite beyond what 
might naturally be expected to result from a fair and 
candid developement of facts m the minds of those 
who were th^ instruments of public justice. He ad- 
mitted, that he once was oi opuiion, that the language 
of those who.cbieAy promoted, the present proceeding., 
was too fuli;Of ascerbity, and much too passionate and 
e^^aggerated ; but when he found, what the nature of 



i56 LIF^ OF THE LATE 

the crimes alleged was, and how strong was the pre* 
sumption that the allegations were true, he confessed 
that he could not expect that gentlemen, when recit- 
ing what they thought actions of treachery, actions of 
violence and oppression, and demanding an investiga- 
tion into those actions, should speak a language diffe- 
i*€ai*tfrom that whicli would naturally arise from the 
contemplation of such actions. 

*^ The honourable magistrate had argued, that the 
honour of the house was not committed to adopt the 
resolutions of the committee and had endeavoured to 
iprevent an impression from falling upon gentlemen as 
an inducement to their voting for them. But, was 
there any danger of gentlemen being influenced by 
such a consideration in the present case ? Had the re- 
solutions of the secret committee borne a new matter, 
perhaps there might then have been some room for 
cautioning the house not to be drawn into too hasty 
an adoption of them from motives of consistency, be- 
cause, in such a case, these adoptions might probably 
be attributed to such motives ; but even then such a 
caution must prove unnecessary; for no member could 
consider himself bound to support the resolutions of a 
committee merely because they were the resolutions of 
a committee. In this instance, the object of the ho- 
iK)urable alderman ought to be to convince such gen- 
ilemen iiKlividually as had voted for the several char- 
ges that, bavifig done so, yet they would not be in- 
consistent in n«w opposing the report ; but rhis argu- 
ment, he must say, he believed no gentleman would 
Attempt to support ; for certainly no gentleman who 
tiad supported the charges could, consistently with the-- 
"prmcipies on which h€ did so, now -Gf>pQs« thtf farther 



WILLIAM PITT. iSt 

progress of this business. But, in iact, be not only 
considerf?d those gentlemen who had voted for the 
charges individually, but the whole house collectively, 
as called upon by every motive of honour and c<3«isis.- 
tency, by their regard for the national character, as 
well as their Own to unite and persevere in bringing 
the matter to a final conclusion before theotljeir house,. 
*'The honourable gentleman (IMr. Nathaniel Srnitli) 
who had spoken last, and wiio every body kn^w to be 
most conversant in the affairs of the East indies, who 
had done himself so much honour in every part he liacl 
at any time taken in the management of their affair^, 
and who had been besides in general a strenuoujS 
opposer of the measures of Mr. Hastings, had that 
day made the best defence for him which he l:iad yet 
heard ; but still, upon the very grounds of that de- 
fence, Mr. Hastings appeared highly culpable. The 
principal argument which that honourable gentleman 
had stated in favour of Mr. Hastings, was, tlmt a great 
part of tliose rapacious exactions which he had made 
in India, arose from the orders he had received froi^ 
his employers, the East India Directors, who were so 
elated with the acquisition of the Dewaree of Bengal, 
and the expectations they from thence entertained (?f 
becoming the channels of vast wealth into this coun- 
try, that they gave him directions for such extensive 
investments as could not be provided by the ordinary 
resources of the company, ^nd of course drove him to 
the necessity of supplying by rapacity and extortion 
the means of fuliiliing their injunctions. Taking tiii.s 
to be the fact, it was no argument whatever to skreen 
Mr. Hastings from punislunent; for it went to 
say, that whatever acts of injustice a servant might 

NO. 15<4 o 



M8 LIFE OF THE LATE 

commit, provided he does it by the orders of his im- 
mediate superiors and employers, he should not be 
amenable to punishment ; a principle which, of all 
others, tlmt house should be most assiduous to re- 
sist, because such a principle if once established, 
would entirely overthrow the responsibility of all pub- 
lic ofificers — even of ministers themselves. But were 
the fact even this: — the East India Company might 
entertain too flattering and too sanguine ideas of their 
situation, and, in so doing, would naturally (as they 
did) give orders to their servants measured by the 
scale of those ideas ; still was Mr. Hastings justifiable 
in recurring to acts of oppression and tyranny, in or- 
der to realize the visionary prospects of his masters ? 
Was it not his duty to undeceive them, and by a pro- 
per representation of their affairs excuse himself for ' 
the nonperformance, to its full extent, of their com- 
mands ? He should recapituiate,"^ds shortly as possible,', 
the. state of the charges against Mr. Hastings, from 
which it would appear, how impossible it was for him, 
or such gentlemen as were of opinion with him, to 
give him any other vote but one — of concurrence with 
the motion ; though he certainly considered the whole 
of the charges, as originally brought forward, as highly 
exaggerated in some parts, and as not wholly founded 
in others ; yet there appeared from the evidence which 
bad been produced that there was in them a great deal 
of matter of substantial criminality, and sufficiently 
authenticated to warrant that house in proceeding up- 
on it. 

''The chief point of this mass of delinquency, was 

all which he could touch upon.; nor would he go into 
the articles al any length, having already delivered his 
5 



WILLIAM PITT. 159 

•Sentiments at large upon such ofthem as he was not an- 
ticipated in by gentlemen who thought as he did. In one 
part of the charge of Benares, there was great crirainaH- 
ty; in that of the princesses of Oude there was still more; 
and thatf indeed, he looked upon as the leading feature 
in the whole accusation. In the charges concerning Far* 
ruckabad and FyzulaKhan, there was also much cri- 
minal matter. In all of those there were instances of 
the most violent acts of injustice, tyranny, and op- 
pression ; acts which had never been attempted to be 
vindicated, except on the plea of necessity. What 
that necessity was had jiever been proved ; but there 
was no necessity whatsoever vvhich could excuse such 
actions as those, attended with such circumstances. 
He could conceive a state, compelled by the necessity 
of a sudden invasion, an unprovided army, and an 
unexpected faikire of supplies, to lay violent hands on 
the property of its^ subjects ; but, therif in doing so, 
dt ought to do it openly, it ought to avow the neces- 
sity, it ought to avow the seizure, and it ought, un- 
questionably, to make provision for a proper compen- 
sation as soon as that should become practicable. 
But was this the principle on which Mr. Hastings 
went ? No ; he neither avowed the necessity nor the 
exaction ; he made criminal charges, and under the 
colour of them he levied heavy and inordinate penal- 
ties; seizing that which, if he had a right to take it at 
ali^ he would be highly criminal in taking in such a 
shape, but wluch iiaving no right to take, the mode of 
taking it rendered it much more heinous and culpable. 
He, certainly, had no right to impose a fine of any 
sort on the princesses of Oude ; for there was not suf- 
ficient proof of their dissaffection or rebellion. And, 
o 2 



l60 LIFE OF tfn: late 

tUe fiii<3 iiHposed on Clieit Sing, in a certain degree, 
piti't6(^k of a similar guilt, though not to so great an 
extent; for then the crime was, in his opinion, not so 
much in the h*ne itself as the amou-nt of it, and its dis- 
proportion to the circiimstances of the person who was 
to pay it, and the offence which he had committed. But 
this vindication, from one part of the charge, in itself so 
weak, became, when coupled with other parts, a great 
aggravation; for, when a person on the one hand 
Gonmiits extortion, and, on the other is guilty of pro- 
fusion, if he attempts to screen himself under the 
plea of necessity, for his rapacity, it follows that he is 
dv^ubly criminal for the offence itself, and for creating 
the nc cessiPy of that offence by liis prodigality. And a 
Still higher agpavat?ion arise-s kom the manifest, an4, 
iiideed, palpable corrmptiorv attending that prodigali- 
ty ; to what else could be attributed the private al- 
lowances made to Hyder Beg Khan, the minister of 
the Nabob Vizier, and the sums paid to the vakeel of 
Cheit Sing, when it was remembered that the one led 
the way to the treaty of Chunar, and the other to the 
revolution in Benares ? 

** The honourable gentleman who spoke last, had 
attempted to excuse all these actions, by shewing that 
Mr. Hastings was not the person who first began the 
interference of the company with the native princes, 
nor the influence which it had obtained in their poli- 
tics ; and that the inconveniencies attending the dou^ 
ble government of Oude were not to be imputed to 
him. But, surely, to whatever cause that influence 
might be originally attributed, Mr. HastiAigs was an- 
swerable for the management of it, as long as it was 
lit his hands ; and to excuse him on this plea, would be 



WILLIAM PITT. 161 

to justify the tyranny by the power ; for though the in- 
fluence of thccompany had given him power to op- 
press the neighbouring country, it had not imposed 
on him the necessity of doing so. The honourable 
gentleman had attempted to paliiatetbose parts of Mr. 
Hastings's conduct, by stating, that if he were guilty, 
he was so in common with the rest of the council ; 
but thiSjMf it were the case, was by no means a suffi- 
cient excuse for him, nor could it be a reason w'itk 
the house for dropping the impeachment ; for his hav- 
ing accomplices in his crimes could be no exculpation, 
and it would be higlily derogatory to the honour of 
that house, if they were to say — * No; we will not 
bring the delinquent to justice, because there are a 
number of delinquents besides him/ Nor would this 
be, a reason even for impeaching the rest ; for it was 
by no means advisable to multiply examples : the pro- 
per way was, to select such as, from their exalted and 
ostensible situations, were the more likely to become 
an eitectual example. But it was impossible to jus- 
tify Mr. Hastings on such a ground as this, even if it 
were tenable at all ; because a considerable part of 
those enormities with which he was charged, v/ere 
committed at a distance from his council, and whea 
he was entirely out of the reach of their advice or con- 
trol. 

'' In the articles of the contracts,^ there were som^ 
glaring instances of breach of orders, and of improvi- 
dence and profusion, which, if not of so heinous a nai- 
ture as those he had before mentioned, were such as 
called loudly for punishment. But there was another 
charge which he was surprized to find the gentlemas 
who defended Mr, Hastings, could treat ^o lightly^- as. 



162 LIFE OF THE LATE ' 

it was one which appeared to him in itself sufficient to 
justify the impeachment, though it had stood alone^ 
and was of such a nature, as, in a pecuUar degree, 
called for the interference of that house. This was 
the charge of taking presents, which, in every liglit 
it -could be considered in, whether as a direct breach 
of the law which appointed him, a positive evidence 
of corruption or a degradation of the character of his 
emplo}/ers, was a great and heavy accusation : and as 
to the excuse which had been offered, that he had re- 
ceived those presents for the use of the company, even 
that was criminal in a degree. But for his part, he 
could not acced'j to the opinion either that he had re- 
ceived those sums with an intenticm of applying them 
to the service of the company', or that he had actually 
applied them at all in that way; for, had this been 
his intention, he would have kept such accounts, and 
Inade such immediate communications of them, as 
should clearly prove that it was so. But no such ac- 
counts were produced, no such communications were 
made; and there were, besides circumstances attend- 
ing some of them, that proved they nmst have been 
received with a corrupt intention. As an instance of 
this, he should mention the present Mr. Hastings had 
received from Kelleram, wh'ch was attended with the 
most suspicious of all circumstances, namely, that this 
very person was at the time in treaty for a district of 
land, belonging to the company, and no question could 
b€ entertained^ but he gave the money in order to 
obtain a favourable bargain ; so that had this been 
done for the company, it was a most unjustifiable and 
impolitic method, of managing their concerns ; for in 
that case, it should have beeu negociated openly in the 



WILLIAM PITT. 165 

nature of a fine, and not privately as a bribe, in which 
latter light alone it ought to be considered/' 

Upon the whole, Mr. Pitt concluded with declaring, 
that " the house could no otherwise consult their own 
honour, the duty which they owed their country, and 
the ends of public justice, than by sending up the im- 
peachment to the house of lords/' 

The progress of the trial of Mr. Hastings* is so noto- 
rious that we leave it to announce an event in the fol- 
lowing year, which brought Mr. Pitt more real ca- 



* Mr. Hastings was born at the village of Chiirchhil] in Ox- 
fordshire, ill the year 173^2 ; his father was the clergyman of that 
parish. His grandfather, Mr. Penny&tone Hastings, lived at 
Daylesford on the borders of Worcestershire, and sold that place, 
which had been possessed hy the family of Mr. Hastings from 
1280 to 1710 ; this was the last ofvery considerable estates which 
they held in Worcestershire and Gloucestershire. 

Mr. Hastings was educated at Westminster school, and went 
out a writer to Bengal in the j^ear 1749, when the English ap« 
peared in India in the character of mere merchants. In an early- 
part of his life he was much noticed for his knovvledge of the 
Ftrsian language (at that time a very uncommon acquisition); 
and throughout his long administration in the East, he was a 
liberal encourager of learning and the polite arts. 

After filling all the highest offices in Bengal, that of governor 
excepted, and enjoying the universal esteem of the natives of 
that country, he returned to England in the year 1765, with a 
very moderate fortune, and with an intention of spending the re- 
mainder of Ills life in England, in learned ease, and pacific retire- 
ment. But he had so far miscalculated the amount of his fortune, 
though neither a gamester nor a man of expense in any shape, that 
in two years he found it necessary to return to Bengal ; he applied 
for permission, but his application was rejected by the Court of 
Directors— parties at that time running irery high, and his frieaidi^ 
being in a minority. 



164 LIFE OF THE LATE 

liamny as a man, and weight as a nninister, than any 
other event in the whole period of his power. This 
was the alarming indisposition of the Sovereign, which 
rendering his Majesty incapable of attending to the 



It was at this period that he formed an intimacy with the cele- 
lebrated Dr. Johnson, by whose advice he proposed a scheme for 
establishing a professorship at the university of Oxford, for 
the study of the Persian language. Fortunately for, his] na:- 
tive country, this scheme was rendered abortive by the following 
circumstance : — A parliamentary enquiry was established to exa- 
mine the state of the Company's aifairs, in 1767, in consequence 
of the acquisition of Bengal by Lord Clive, Mr. Hastings in this 
enquiry, underwent an examination for several Ifours, at the bar 
of the House of Commons ; an incident well recollected by every 
gentleman who was at that period of the third legislative estate. 
The evidence which he gave was in all its parts so clear, compre- 
hensive, and satisfactory, and displaj-ed a knowledge so perfect 
of the affairs of Icdia, that it immediately brought him into ge- 
neral notice. I intr&duce this circumstance merely to shew how 
forcibly politics can warp the most moderate men. After the exa- 
mination Lord John Cavendish and Mr. Frederick Montague, wha 
paid close attention to his evidence, and whom he did not then 
know, desired him to dine with them at a neighbouring coffee- 
house ; an event which Mr. Hastings, as I have been informed, 
has pointedly mentioned, when Mr. Frederick Montague was 
mentioned as one of the maudgers, and the whole house of Ca- 
vendish were his combined persecutors. 

In the next year, 1768, Mr. Hastings was appointed sccond'in 
. council at Madras, and in 1771, he was removed to Bengal, and 
ordered to succeed to the government in the next year — he was 
officially invested in that high office in 1772, and remained at tlie 
head of the government, under various parliamentary appoint- 
ments for thirteen years. ■ 

To this account of Mr. Hastings from the author of his Defence,, 
the following excellent verses arc added as the best evidence o^ 
his feelings and acquisitions, 



WILLIA^I PITT. 1^5 

business of government, involved a question of re- 
gency, and with it a variety of difficulties, which came 



IMITATED FROM HOBACE, BOOK 2. 0I>E 1 6. 

BY i\lR. HASTINGS. 

JVriUen on his Passage from Bengal, 

^' For ease the harass'd seaman prajs. 
When equinoctial tempests raise 

The Cape's surroundiug wave ; 
When hanging o'er the reef he hears 
The cracking mast, and sees, or feari 

Beneath, his wat'ry grave. 

For ease the slow jMahratta spoils, 
And hardier Sic erratic toils, 

While both their ease forego : 
' For ease which neither gold can bu/ 
Nor robes nor gems, which o§t belie 

The cover'd heart, bestow. 

For neither wealtli nor titles join'd 
Can heal the soul or sufF'ring mind — 

Lo ! where their owner lies ; 
Perch'd on his couch distemper breathes. 
And care like smoke in turbid wreaths, 

Round the gay ceiling flies. 

He who enjoys, nor covets movQ 
The lands his father held before* 

Is of true bliss possess'd ; 
Let but his mind unfettered tread 
Far as the paths of knowledge lead. 

And wise as well as blest. 

* Since this poem was written Mr. Hastings has purchased his 
family estate Ht Paylesford in Worcestershire. 



166 LIFE OF THE LATE 

came intimately home to the bosoms of the British 
people. 

From a state of comparative quiet which parliameut 
would seem to have enjoyed, it now returned to all 



No fears his peace of mind annoy. 
Lest printed lies his fame destro}^ 

Which labored years have won. 
Nor pack'd committees break his rest ; 
Nor a V 'rice sends him forth in quest 

Of cliaies beneath the sun. 

Short is our span, then why engage^ 

In schemes for which man's transient oge 

Was ne'er by fate designed ; 
Why slight the gifts of natuie's hand, 
W^hat wand'rer from his native land 

E'er left himself behind ? 

The restless thought and wayward will 
And discontent attend him still. 

Nor qnit hira v/hile he lives : 
At sea care follows iu the wind. 
At land it mounts the pad behind, 

Or with the post-boy drives^ 

He who wijuld happy live to day, 
Must laugh the present ills away. 

Nor think of woes to come ; 
For come they will, or soon or late 
Since mixed at best is man's estate 

By heaven's eternal doom. 

To ripen'd age Clive liv'd renown'd. 
With lacs enrich'd, with honour crown'd. 

His valour's well earn'd meed. 
Too long, alas! he liv'd to hate 
His envied lot, and died too late, 

Fi'om life's oppression freed. 



WILLIAM PITT. 167 

the conflicts of party in the most agonizing of all dis- 
cussions. 

Mr. Pitt having (Dec. 10, 1788) brought up the 
report of the pliysicians touching the state of his Ma- 
jesty's health, which was ordered to lie on the table, 
proceeded to observe—** That the paper from the privy 
council, which -had been already placed upon the 
tatle, as well as the more regular examinations of 
which the house had just heard the contents, afforded 
them sufficient information, both with regard to the 
melancholy subject which had occasioned them to 



An early death was Elliot's doom^ 
I saw his opening virtues bloom 

And manly sense unfold ; 
Too soon to fade ! I bade the stone 
Record his name midst hordes unknown 

Unknowing what is told.* 

To thee perhaps the fates may give, 
I wi&li they may in health to live. 

Herds, fiocks, and fruitful fields j 
Thy vacant hours in mirth to shine 
With these the muse, aire?,dy thine, 

Her present bounties yields. 

For rae, O Shore, I only claim 
To merit not to seek for fame. 

The good and just to please- 
A state above the fear of want ; 
Domestic love, Heav'n's choicest grant 1 ■ 

Health, leisure, peace, and ease. 

* Such however is the love of virtue, which owns no particular 
language or character, that around this mausoleum, (which iias 
a real as well as poetical existence) the natives have raised a 
town distinguished by the name of EllioU 



168 LIFE OF THE LATE 

assemble, and the opinions of the physicians ; and 
must at the same time, naturally fill their minds with 
a reasonfible hope, that a happier moment would ar- 
rive than the present, although the faculty, ^vho had 
been consulted, were still unable to declare the pre- 
cise point of time of its arrival. Gratified, however, 
as the house might be in that expectation, yet the un- 
certainty bv which its completion might be protractedj 
rendered it their indispensible duty to proceed, not- 
\vithstandiDg their regret for the occasion, with every 
degree of dispatch, and in the most respectful manner, 
to take those intermediate steps which the unfortunate 
exigeiKy of the moment required, in order to provide 
for the present serious situation of affairs, with a view 
to guard the liberties of the people from danger, and 
secure the safety of the country; that his Majesty 
might have the gratification of knowing when the 
^happy moment of his recovery should arrive, that the 
people whom he had loved and protected, had suffered 
as little as possible by his illness. The point to be 
agitated on this occasion, involved in it whatever was 
valuable to the people, whatever was important in 
the fundamental principles of our {ree constitution. 
The steps to be taken as preliminaries, therefore, to 
the discussion of this truly interesting subject, weie 
such as he could not conceive likely to create any dif- 
ference of opinion. That the house might have the 
advantage of the wisdom of their ancestors to guide 
their proceedings, and to act upon the fullest informa- 
tion, he should move for the appointment of a com* 
njittee to examine into, search for, and report prece- 
dents, from which report they would be enabled lo see, 
^hat had been the steps taken. in former moments of 



iriLLlAM PITT. 16§ 

difficulty aaddi^ager, whence they niiglit proceed with 
the greater security in providing for the present me*- 
lancholy circumstances of the country/' 

In conclusion, after debating at some extent upon 
the necessity of this mode, Mr. Pitt said, *' he would 
not detain the house by enlarging upon the subject any 
longer, but as, on the one hand, it would serve to 
throw all the light upon it that precedent and history 
could afford; so, on the other, as he conceived the 
report of such a committee as he had mentioned might 
be made in the course of the present week, it Vvould 
\ery little contribute to retard the dispatch which was 
so desirable, and must be of no material inconve- 
nience. With a viev/ therefore to eive their oroceed- 
ings every necessary solemnity, and regulate them by 
every possible degree of caution, he should move — 

" *That a committee be appointed to examine, and 
report precedents of such proceedings as may have 
been had, in case of the personal exercise of tiie royal 
authority being prevented or interrupted, by i^iirmiiVp, 
or otherwise, with a view to provide for tliO same/ '' 

The first to rise on that subject was Mr. Fox. lliat" 
gentleman had with uncommon haste returned from a 
continental tour, to which the tranquillity of parlia- 
ment had left him leisure, te assume the care of cer- 
tain rights supposed to belong to tlie Prince ol V\'ales 
on such an occasion. 

His opposition began on the delay arising from Mr. 
Piti's motion, and, with his usmil ingenuoubuess, he 
did not hesitate to declare, '' that hU llnjaf Ili^hhts^ th€ 
Prince of Wales had as ckar, as express a riii-t lu assume 
the reins of government, and cxeruss the p'^ivers of so- 
verdgnty during ike cohttnuancc (rj the ifhubs and iuca- 

NO. i6. P 



170 LIFE OF THE LATE 

pacity uit/i which it liad phased God to afflict his Majesty^ 
as in the case of' his Majesty having undergone a perfect 
and natural demise.'^ 

On this Mr. Pitt observed, '* that the right honour- 
able gentleman had thrown out an idea which, what- 
ever he might have generally thought of him, as to 
his penetration and discernment, as to his acquain- 
tance with the Uws and general history of the country, 
and as to his knowledge of the theory of the constitu- 
tion, (however he might have found occasion to differ 
with him in respect to his measures and opinions in his 
practice in it) he defied all his ingenuity to support, 
upon any analogy of constitutional precedent, or lo re- 
concile to the spirit and genius of the constitution it- 
self. The doctrine advanced by the right honourable 
gentleman was itself, if any additional reason were ne- 
cessary, the strong<^st and most unanswerable for ap- 
pointing the connnittee he hcid moved for, tliat could 
possibly be given. If a claim of riglit was intimated, 
.even though not formally, on the part of the Piince of 
Wales, to assume the government, it became of the 
utmost consequence to ascertain, from piecedent or 
history, whether this claim wnre founded ; which, if 
it were, precluded the house from the possibility of all 
dehberation on the S'.i^j« ct. In ihe mean time, he 
maintained, that it wouKl a})pear, from every prece- 
dent, and from every page of our history, that to assert 
such a right in the Pruice of Wales, or any one else, 
independant ot the decision of both houses of parlia- 
inent, was little less than treason to the constit'ition 
of the country. He said, he did not mean then to 
enter into the discussion of that great and important 
point; because a fit occasion for discussing it, would 



IriLLIAM PITT^ 17i 

soon afford both the right honourable gentleman and 
himself an ample opportunity for statir.g their senti- 
ments upon it. In the mean time, he pledged himself 
to this assertion— -that in tfie case of the. interruption 
of the personal exercise of the royal authority, without 
any previous lawful provision having been made for 
carrying on the government, it belonged to the other 
branches of t^^ e legislature, on the part of the nation 
at large, the body they represented, to provide, ac" 
cording to their discretion, for the tem[)orary exercise 
of the royal authority, in the name, and on the be- 
half, of the sovereign, in such a-nianner as they should 
think requisite; and that, unless by their decision, the 
Prince of Wales had no right (speaking of strict right) 
to assume the government, ignore than any other in- 
dividual subject of the country. What parliament 
ought to determine on that subject, was a question of 
discretion. However strong the argument might be 
on that ground, in favour of the Prince of Wales, 
which he would not enter into at present, it did not 
affect the question of right: because neither the whole 
nor any part of the royal authority could belong to him 
in the presei:it circumstances, unless conferred by both 
houses of parhament. 

*^ As to the right honorable gentleman's- enforcement 
of the Prince of Wales's claim, he admitted that it was 
a claim entitled to most serious consideration; and 
thence, must take the liberty of arguing, that it was 
the more necessary to learn how the house had acted 
in cases of similar exigency, and what had been the 
opinion of parliament on buch occasions. He would 
not allow that no precedent analogous to an interrup- 
tion of the personal exercise of the royal authority 
p2 



172 LirE OF THE LAtr. 

could be foand, although there in^ht possibly not 
exist a precedent of an heir apparent in a state of wla- 
jontyj during such an occurrence, and in that case, 
be ('.(ntended, that it devolved on the remaining 
bninches of the legislature, on the part of the people 
ol P'ngland, to exercise their discretion in providing a 
substitute.^' 

Mr. Pitt contended, '' that in the mode in which the 
right honourable gentlemati had treated the subject, a 
new question presented itself, and that of greater mag- 
nitude even than the question which was originally be- 
lore them, as matter of necessary deliberation. Tha 
qaestton now was, the question of their own rights, 
iand it was becon[>e a doubt, according to the right bo- 
Rourable gentleman's opinion, whether that liou^ehad, 
on this important occasion, a deliberative power. 
Ke v»^ished, for the present, to wave the discussion of 
that momentous consideration ; but, he declared that 
he would, at a fit opportunity, state his reasons for 
advising what step parliament ought to take in the 
present critical situation of the country, contenting 
himself with giving his contradiction to the right ho- 
Bourable gentleman's bold assertion, and pledging 
himself to maintain the opposite ground against a doc- 
trine so irreconcileable to the spirit and genius of the 
C(j<]stitution. If the report of the committee had not 
proved the necessity of the motion he had made, the 
right honourable gentleman had furnished the hous« 
with so strong an argument for enquiry, that, if any 
doubt had existed, that doubt must vanish. Let it 
not, then, be imputed to him, that he otl^^red the mo- 
tion with a view to create delay; indeed, the right 
honourable gentleman had not made any such imputa- 



WILLIAM PITT. 173 

tion. In fact, no imputation of that sort could be 
supported, since no longer time had been spent, after 
the first day of their meeting, than was absolutely 
necessary to insure as full an attendance as the solem- 
nity and seriousness of the occasion required : since 
that time every day bad been spent in ascertaining the 
state of his Majesty's health, and now the necessity 
of the case was proved, it behoved them to meet it ou 
the surest grounds. Let them proceed, then, to leara 
and ascertain their own rights ; let every man in that 
house, and every man in the nation, who might hear 
any report of what had passed in the house on that day^ 
consider, that on their future proceeding depended 
their own interests, and the mterest and honor of a . 
sovereign, deservedly the idol of his people. Let the 
house not^ therefore, rashly annihilate and annul the 
authority of parliament, in which the existence of the 
constitution was so intimately involved/' 

As Mr. Fox had attacked the first propositions of 
Mr. Pitt, so Mr. Burke seized the arguments which 
tlie minister had used in their defence with the sar- 
castic humour of which he was so capable. He called 
Mr. Pitt, from his language^ the competitor of the 
Prince, and on this ground proceeded to draw a paral- 
lel between the amiable character of hi& royal high- 
Bess, and a pFince who had threatened the assertors o£ 
the prince of Wales's right with the penalties of con- 
structive treason. 

Mr. Pitt concluded the conversation with remarking^ 
" that if the right honorable gentleman (Mr. Burke)^ 
who had condescended to be the advocate and the 
specimen of moderation, had found any warmth in his 
manner of speaking before, which led him to thiaktlial 
y 3 



174 LIFE OF THE LATE 

hehaci iK)t considered what he said, be was ready td 
repeat it with all possible coolness, and knew not one 
word that he would retract. Upon this ground, there- 
fore, he was still ready to maintain, that it was little 
less than treason to th-e constitution to assert, that the 
Prince of Waks had a claim to the exercise of the 
sovereign power during the interruption of the perso- 
nal authority of his Majesty by infirn>ity, ai>d in his 
life-tiiiie ; and to this asseveration shouid he adhere, 
because be considered such a claim as superseding the 
deliberative power and discretion of the two existing 
hraiiciies of the legislature. And, when h^ said the 
Prince of Waks had no more right to urge such a 
claim than any other individDal subject, he appealed 
to the house upon the decency with which the right 
honorabk gentleman had charged him with -placing 
himself as the competitor of his royal highness. At 
ihal period of our histor}', ^vben the constitution was 
settled oil that foundation on which it now existed, 
vvben Tvir. Somers and other great men declared, that 
i>o }>erson had a riglit to the crown independent of the 
t-cnsent of the two houses, would it have been thought 
'fciUK^r fair or decent (or any member of either house to 
have pronounced Mr. Somers a personal competitor oi 
William the Third ?'' 

A coTjamittee was then formed to search for prece- 
dents/* which two days after prod4:ieed its report, ^nd 
Mr. Pitt moved that the house should resolve itself 
^nto a committee on the state of the nation. 



* This co4T)miitee was of ca\irtje composed of gentleraen talica 
from belli sides of the house. 



WILLIAM PITT. 175 

Mr. Fox attacked this motion, and Mr. Pitt arose 
to answer him. We shall proceed with the regular 
advancement of this most important question to an 
issue betsveeH the two great parties which divided the 
opinions or the realm. 

Mr. Pitt begged leave to remind the house, " that 
they had just received a voUiminous report from the 
committee appointed to search for precedents, in order 
that gentlemen might have every information before 
them, to guide their proceedings under the present 
arduous aiKi singular situation of the country, that the 
wisdom of their ancestors, the statutes of the realm, 
and the records of parliament could aiford ; and he 
ha4 nwved to refer that report, together with the exa- 
mination of his Maj€sty's physicians, to the comHiittee 
of the whole house, who were to take the state of the 
nation into their consideration upon the ensuing Tues- 
day. In that committee, the topics touclied on by 
the right honorable gentleman (Mr. Fox) would neces^ 
sarily undergo an ample discussion. In their last 
debate on the subject, there appeared to be a point at 
issue between the right honorable gentleman and him- 
self; and from all the right honorable gentleman had 
then said, it still appeared to be i]o less at issue than 
before the right honorable gentleman explained, as he 
thought proper, the meaning of a very essential part of 
his speech on the preceding Wednesday." Mr. Pitt said, 
" that he should be sorry to fix on any gentleman a 
meaning, which he afterw^ards declared not to have 
been his meaning. In whatever way, therefore, he had 
before understood the right honorable gentleman's 
woi'ds relative to the Prince's forbearing to assert liis 
claim, he was willing to take the matter from the right 



176 LIFE OF THE LATE 

honorable gentleman's present explanation, and to 
meet it upon those grounds where he had then, after 
maturer deliberation, thougi)t fit to place it. The right 
honorable gentleman now asserted, that the Prince of 
Wales had a right to exercise the royal authority, 
imder the present circumstances of the country ; but 
it was a right not in possession, until the prince could 
exercise it on, what the right honorable gentleman 
called, the adjudication of parliament. . He, on his 
part, denied that the Prince of Wales had any right 
whatever, and upon that point the right honorable 
gentleman and he were still at issue — an issue, that, in 
his opinion, must be- decided, before they proceeded 
one step farther in the great and important considera- 
tions to be discussed and determined. 

" Concerning one part of the right honorable gentle- 
man's speech, it was impossible for him to remain 
silent, as the right honorable gentleman's ideas in that 
point had not appeared to him to be quite accurate 
and distinct. He seemed to have intended to have 
renounced all idea of the Prince of Wales's riglit to 
assume the exercise of the royal authority, under the 
present or similar circumstances, without the previous 
adjudication of parliament, or of the two houses ; but, 
if he understood the right honorable gentleman coV 
rectly, he had used the words^ " during the sitting of 
parliament ;" the plain inference from which expression 
was, that if parliament were iu)t sitting, the Prince of 
Wales could assume the exerciseof the regal aathority." 
Mr. Pitt declared, ** that he thought the Prince of Wales 
could, in no case, hav^ power to assume the right. If 
there were no parliament in existence, he granted that 
the heir apparent, acting in concert with otli^r persons 



WILLIAM PITT. 177 

in great situations, might, under suck circun^stances as 
the present, have issued writs and convened the two 
houses, for the purpose of providing forthe exigency^ 
Such a proceeding would be justified by the necessity 
of the case, and with a view to the safety of the nation, 
which su|3erseded all forms; but thii it would be a 
legal and formal summons of the parliament, or that 
a parliament could be called together without legal 
authority, lie must absolutely deny. Such a meeting 
would be a convention, like to that assembled at the 
time of the abdication of James the Second, and in 
oth'er periods of diificuity ; but it could not be a legai 
and a formal calling together of a parliament. With 
regard to the question of the Pi ince of Wales's right of 
assuming the power during the intermission of parlia- 
ment, and his right not in possession, as it was called, 
during the sitting of parliament, he need not r$st much 
the distraction, denying, as' he did, that any right to 
assume the regal authority, under aiiy circumstances, 
independent of the consent and approbation of parlia- 
ment, existed in the Prince of Wales. But, supposing 
the right of assumption of royalty given up altogether, 
and that the prince must have tl)e right adjudged by 
parhament, he denied that they were canvassing a 
right, and acting as judges, as the sentiments of the 
right honorable gentleman so manifestly intimated. It 
was subvei'sive of the principles of the constitution to 
admit, that the Prince of Wales might seat himself on 
the throne during the life^time of his father; and the 
intimation of the existence of such a right, as he had 
remarked on a former occasion, presented a question 
of greater magnitude and importance even than the - 
present exigency, and the provision that it necessarily 



178 LIFE OF THE LATE 

required; a question that involved in it the principle? 
of the constitution, the protection and security of ouf 
liberties, and the safety of the state. 

*' VVh. tever, therefore, might be the order of their 
proceeding, he hoped there would be an unanimous 
concurrence of Opinion, that it was impossible to let 
_the question of right, which had been started, undergo 
admission, without its being fully discussed and de- 
cided. It was a question that shook the foundation of 
the constitution, and upon the decision of wliich, all 
that was dear to us as Britons, depended. In his 
opinion, therefore, it was their first duty to decide, 
\yhether there were any right in the Prince of Wales to 
claim the regal power, under any circumstances of the 
country, independent of the actual demise of the crown. 
In the discussion of the powers with which the regent 
was to ke invested, there might be differences of opi- 
nion, Vv^hether the whole of the royal prerogatives 
should be delegated on the grounds of expediency; 
there might be<iitferences of opinion, whether a portion 
only of the royal authority should be delegated, and a 
part reserved, on the grounds of prudence and discre- 
tion. These were important topics, whiclx they could 
not discuss, unless they first knev/, whether they were 
sitting ds judges, or as house of parliament, possessing 
a power of dehberation, and capabljj of exercising a, 
constitutional discretion. They musl first ascertain, 
whether that which should be invested in the Prince of 
Wales, was matter of adjudication on their part, of 
right in his r*.n;al highness, or as a trust in behalf and 
in the name of his xMajesty ; and therefore he should 
think it his duty to bring forward the question of right 
as a preliminary .question. If that question should be 



WILLIAM PITT. 179 

decided in the affirmative, there would be no need of 
specific measures. Should it, however, be determined 
lipon a contrary ground, the way would became clear- 
ed, and the house would know how to proceed. He 
had, indeed, mentioned the alternative, but, Heaven 
forbid, that the fatal alternative should be decided in 
favor of the intimated riglitof the Prince of Wales !" 

Mr. Pitt next took notice of the call Mr. Fox had 
made upon hini, relative to the future propositions to 
be brought forward by him in the corntiiiltee which 
had been moved for, to take into consideration the 
state of the nation, fie said, ** that if tl^e question of 
right should be decided, as he thought it would, upon 
constitutional princi[)les, he should, in that case, cer- 
tainly proceed to propose "measures for providing for 
the interruption of the royal authority, occasioned by 
his Majesty's present incapacity to exercise it ;a nd as 
he was always happy when he could concur with the 
requisition of the light honorable gentleman, he would 
state the outline, without feehng any prejudice to the 
person who had called for it ; but, he begged to have 
it understood, that what he was about to state, was 
not to be a matter of debate at that mornent, nr>r were 
any arguments then to be raised upon it. He proceed- 
ed to declare, that, however decided be might be in 
his opinion against the whole, or any part, of ihe" regal 
power being vested in the Prince of Wales, as a matter 
of right, in any way in wliich that right had been ex- 
plained, he was equally ready to say, that, as a matter 
of discretion, and on the ground of expediency, it waSj 
in his opinion, highly desirable, that uhatever part oT 
the regal power it was necessary should be exercised 
at all, daring this unhappy interval, should be vested 



180 LIFE OF THE LATE 

ill a single person, and that this person should be the 
Prince of Wales : that he also thought it most con- 
sistent with true constitutional principles, and most for 
the public convenience, that his royal highness should 
exercise that portion of authority, whatever it might 
be, unfettered by any permanent council, and with the 
free choice of his political servants. With regard to 
the portion of royal authority which ought to be given, 
or that which ought to be witholden, it would 'be pre- 
mature, in this stage, to enter into the particular dis- 
cussion of it : he had no objection, however, even now, 
to declare in general, that whatever authority was 
necessary for carrying on the public business with 
vigour and dispatch, and for providing during this 
interval, for the safety and interests of the country, 
ought to be given ; but, on the other hand, any autho- 
rity, not necessary for these purposes, and capable of 
being, by possibiiity, employed in any which might 
tend to embarrass the exercise of the king's lawful 
authority, when he should be eaiabled to resume it into 
his own hands, ought to be witholden ; because, from 
its being given, more inconvenience might arise to the 
future interests both of the people and o{ the crown, 
than any which could arise, in the mean time, from its 
temporary suspension." 

jyir. Pitt added, *' that he could justify the principles 
of this explicit declaration of his intention, on the 
ground, that, whatever was given to the regent, or 
witholden, ought to be given, or wiiholden, with a 
view to the momeat when his Majesty should be 
capable of resutning his rightful prerogatives ; a cir- 
cumstance to which it peculiarly became him to look, 
in the situation in which he stood, honored with the 



WILLIAM PITT. l4t 

confidence of a sovereign to whom he was bouiid, arrf 
strongly attached, by the ties of gratitude and duty ;-^— 
but of that he would say no more. Whatever judg- 
ment Alight be formed of what he declared, he was 
conscious of having given a free and an honest opinioaj 
and was satisfied with that consciousness. He con- 
ceived it could not be thought necessary for him to gd 
any farther into the subject, as the adjustment of the 
whole proeeeding must rest with the committee on the 
itate of the nation, where it would be necessary to 
come forward with the different propositions separate- 
ly, and to proceed, step by step, to mark and define^ 
by distinct resohvtions, what parts of the royal pre- 
rogative, should be given to the regent; and what 
Vritholden.'' 

IMr. Pitt's notice having been agreed to, the com- 
mittee sat on the i6th, and Mr. Pitt thus ably opened 
the subject, and came to an issue with his powerful 
opponents. He began by stating that " the house wera 
then in a committee to take into consideration tlie 
state of the nation, under circumstances the most eala^ 
mitous which had befallen the country at any period, 
and remarked, that it was then a century ago, since 
any point of equal importance had engaged the atten- 
tion of that house. The circumstance that had then 
occurred was the revolution ; between which, however, 
and the present circumstance, there was a great and 
essential difference. At that time, the two houses had 
to provide for the filling up of a throne, that was 
vacant by the abdication of James the Second; at 
present, they had to provide for the exercise of the 
royal authority, when his Majesty's political capaeitj 
was whole, and entire, and the throne consequently 

KO, l6» Q 



182 LIFE OF THE LATE 

full, although, hi fact, all the various functions of the 
executive government were suspended,, but which sus- 
pension they had every reason to expect would be but 
temporary. Ther€ could, he said, be but one senti- 
ment upon that head, which was, that the most san- 
guine of his Majesty's physicians could not effect a 
cure more speedily than it was the anxious vvish of 
every man in that house, and every description of his 
Majesty's subjects, that his cure might be effected, and 
that he might thence be enabled again to resume the 
exercise of his own authority. During the temporary 
continuance, however, of his Majesty's malady, it wag 
their indispensable duty to provide for the deficiency 
in the legislature, in order that a due regard might be 
had to the safety of the crown, and to the interests of 
the people. The first report before the committee 
established the melancholy fact that had rendered 
their declarations necessary ; the second contained a 
collection of such precedents, selected from the his- 
tory of former times, as were in any degree analogous 
to the present unfortunate situation of the country; 
and, although he would not undertake to say that still 
more precedents might not have been found, yet,, such 
as the report contained would serve to throw a consi- 
derable degree of light on the subject, and point out 
to the house the mode of proceeding most proper to be 
adopted. 

" Motwithstanding the magnitude of the question, 
what provision ought to be made for supplying the 
deficiency ?. there was a question of a greater and still 
more important nature, which must be discussed and 
decided i^rst, as a prelinnaary to their future transac? 
tions, with a view to the present exigency. The ques- 



\TILLIAM PITT. 18S 

lion. to which he alluded, was, w^hether any person had 
a right, either to assunie or to claim the exereise of 
the royal authority, during the incapacity and infir- 
mity of the sovereign ; or, whether it was the right of 
of the lords and commons of England to provide for 
'the deficiency in the legislature, resulting from such 
-incapacity ? On a fornier dciy he had stated, that, itk 
-consequence of an assertion having been made in that 
•house, that a right attached tii his royal highness the 
Prince of Wales, ^ heir apparent, to exercise sove- 
'reign authority, as ^<>n as the two houses of parlia- 
ment declared his Majeitjv-i^oni illness and indisposi- 
tion, incapable of exercising his royal functions, it 
appeared to him to be absolutely and indispensably 
necessary, that the question of right should be first 
decided by the committee, before they took a single 
step to provide for the deficiency of the third estate of 
the^ realm. By the assertion of the existence of such 
a right, no matter whether a right that could be 
assumed in the first instance, or a right which attach- 
ed, after the declaration of both houses of parliament, 
that his Majesty was incapable, a doubt had been 
thrown upon the existence of what he had ever consi^ 
dered to be the most sacred and important rights of 
the two houses ; and it became absolutely necessary 
for them to decide that doubt, and, by such decision, 
ascertain whether they had a power to deliberate, or 
whether they had only to adjudge, that such a right as 
had been mentioned was legally vested in .his royal 
highness the Prince of \VaIes. The most embarrassing 
difriculties had, indeed, been throw-n upon their pro- 
ceedings, by the ass-3rtion, that such a claim existed; 
and although he was free to confess^ that the assertion 
Q 2 



18^ L I-F £ GFTHBLATE 

had af>t beea marie from any authority, and tbai tbcy 
had since beard, thou gl] not in that house, that it was 
not iiiteikded that the claim should be made, yc4, 
bavUig been omie stated, by a very respectable member 
ojftliat house, as his opinion, it was an opinioa of too 
much importance to be passed by unnoticed. He 
would enti-eat tke house to reiuember,^ however, that 
he had not stirred the question of right originally. If^ 
therefore, any serious danger were actually to be 
dreaded, by its being discussed anc^ decided, that dan^ 
^r and its cojasequences were s^^Jely imputable to the 
ili.:&V?^g;itatioaQi the Que3ti<^ and ijo^-tohim. Had 
the doubt never been raised^ an express deQjaratioa on 
the subject had not been necess:ary ; Uit> as- the matter 
&io'.)4, such a declaration m«#t. be aiade oae way- op 
the at lier. He begged, however, that it miglit not b« 
i<in;.ivutd to bim^,, that he wa^ de&irous of washing time 
i^^ bringing forward any abstract, or speculative, or 
theoretical question^ A1:> abstract question,, in his con- 
ception of it, was a question wholly unnecessary,, the 
di^ussion of which could answer no end, nor could its 
decision afford any light to guide and assist them in 
t^eir proceedings. Of a very different nature i& tlie 
qjuestion of right; it was a question which stood in the 
way of all subsequent proceeding, the resolving of 
wibicb must necessarily decide tl>e whole of their con- 
duct with regard to the present important business; 
they were not free to deliberate and determine, while 
tlie^doubt of an existing right or claim hung over their 
heads ; they could not speak intelligibly, or to any 
puj.rpo.se, until they knew their proper characters, and 
wliether they were exercisuig their own rights for the 
safely of the crown and the interests of the people, or 



WILLIAM PITT. 185 

whether they wepe usurping that which had never be- 
longed to them. On that ground it was that he had 
declared the question of right not to be an abstract 
question, a speculative question, or a theoretical ques- 
tion. 

. .'* The first .information which the papers that had 
been referred to the committee afforded, was that 
which he should make the first resolution. It was^ 
resolutipn of fact, as the ground of those that were 
designed by him to follow it; a resolution^- that o£ 
which the language of all his Majesty's physicians 
afforded sufficient proof— that his Majesty was inca- 
pable, from illness, of coming to his parliament, of 
attending to any pubhc business, whence arose the 
interruption of the exercise of the royal authority. To 
that resolution of fact, he conceived there could not be- 
any objection. His next resolution would be the reso- 
lution of right, couched in part in the words in the bill 
of rights, and stating, /' that it was the right and duty 
of the lords spiritual and temporal, and of the house- 
of commons, as the rightful representatives of all the 
estates of the people of England, to provide for the 
deficiency in the legislature, by the interruption of the- 
exercise of the royal authority, in consequence o£hiS: 
Majesty's incapacity through indisposition.*' 

Mere Mr. Pitt renewed his arguments in. support of 
tlie claim of the two houses of parliament, declaring, 
that, ** under the present circumstances of the country^, 
;i was his firm and, unalterable opinion, that it was the- 
absolute, and undeniable right of the two houses, on. 
the part of the people,, to provide for the revival of the 
third estate. He declared, he would state the point 
at issue between him and the right honorable gentW 



I8S LIFE OJ^TiiK LATE 

man (Mr. Fox) opposite to him fairly. He wisted not 
to take any advantage o( any shades of difference be- 
tween them, but to argue upon the solid and substan- 
tial diflferenee of thei r opinions^ 1 f he bad concei ved the 
right honorable gentleman properly, he had asserted, 
that, in his opinion, the Prince of Wales, a^ heir appa- 
rent, upon the incapacity of the sovereign to exercise 
the sovereign authority being declared^ bad as clear^ 
as perfect, and as indisputable a right, to take upon 
himself the full exercise of all the authorities and pre- 
rogatives of his father, as if his Majesty bad undergone 
an actual demise. If it could be proved to exist by 
any precedents drawn from history, or founded in law, 
or by the analogy of the constitution, he wished to 
have been 4old what these precedents were, becairse, 
in that case, the ground would be harrowed, and ^he 
proceedrngs of thl; committee rendered short and sim- 
ple, as they would have no power nor occasion to de- 
liberate; the only step they could take would be to 
recognize the claim of right. That claim of right, 
however, he flatly denied to have any existence 
capable of being sustained by such proof as he had 
iirentioned. The right of providing* for the deficiency 
of the royal authority, he contended, rested with the 
two remaining branches of the legislature; He pro- 
fessed himself exceedingly happy to hear that a decla- 
ration had been made in another place, from high 
authority, that the right stated by the right honorable 
gentleman in that house to have existence, was not 
meant to be urged by a great personage. He cai»« 
that day, t-^onfirmed in every opinion which he had 
before stated ; and particularly confirmed in the opi- 
nion -that no such right or claiiH in the Prince of 

5 



Wales, as heir apparent, to exercise the reyslautbop- 

ity during the incapacity of the sovereign, could be 
proved, either from precedents drawn, from history, os 
from the law, or from the spirit of the constitution* 

'* He begged leave to remind the committee, that 
when the right honorable gentleman first mentioned 
the right of the Piince of Wales in this particular, the 
right honorable gentleman had declared he was willing, 
to wave the motion for a committee to search for pre- 
eedentSj because that he was persuaded, and the house 
must allow, that no precedent could be found that bore 
upon the particular case, of a Prince of Wales, the 
heir apparent to the crown, being of full age^ and 
capable of caking on himself the exercise of the royal 
authority, under such circumstances as the present. 
There certainly was no case precisely in point ; but, 
though the committee above stairs could not find a 
case precisely in point, they had furnished the house 
with many precedents, from which analogies might be 
drawii. He called upon the right honorable gentlemait 
opposite to him, to point oyt a single case analogous, 
to the infancy, infirmity, or illness of a sovereign, in 
wbich the full powers of sovereignty were exercised 
by any one person whatever. If the right attached to 
his royal highness, under the present circumstances^ in 
the same manner as on the demise of his father, aubeif 
presumptive would succeed as perfectly as an heir appa* 
rent, and, in pursuance of that doctrine, those preee* 
dents that would attach in the one case would attach 
ift the other* For precedents that were analogous, h^ 
would refer the committee to the report on thetable^;^^ 
the- precedents in which, though they might not throv»» 
all the light^on the subject that could be wisfa^d> cfer- 



188 LIFE OF THE LATE 

tainly tended to elucidate it considerably. He wdulc? 
refer to some of the precedents, and convince gentle- 
men that their result formed the most undeniable proof 
that no such right existed as had been pretended. 

" The first precedent was taken from the reign of 
Edward the Third, when no heir apparent had claimed 
tlie exercise of the royal authority. The parliament 
^of those days, whether wisely or not was no questioH 
before the committee, provided a council about the 
king's person to act for him,; a clear proof, that they 
conceived the power existed with them to provide for 
the exercise of the royal authority. The next prece- 
; dent was in the reign of Richard the Second, when 
counsellors were also appointed to exercise the regal 
power. The third precedent occurred in the infancy 
of Henry the Sixth. At that time the parliament were 
called together by the young king's second uncle, the 
first being still living, but out of the kingdom; and 
that act was ratified by parliament, they not consider- 
ing it sufficient that it was done by the aathority of 
, the duke. In that instance, again, it was clear, that 
the regency was carried on by the parliament. Thess 
three instances were the principal of those stated in 
the. report of the committee ; subsequent precedents- 
would, provf*, that no one instance could be found of 
any, person's having exercised the royal authority du-^ 
ring the infancy of a kmg, but by the grai^t of the two 
houses qf parliament, excepting only where a previous 
provision had been made. Having thus far mentioned 
the power of parliament during the infancy of a king>. 
be observed, that he would next state their powee 
during the king's abseiice ; and if, in that case, i^ 
ahoiild be a^sertqd^ that the h^ir apparent h^d a rigjik 



WILI.IAM- PITT. 18P 

to exercise the royal authority, let the committee con- 
sider how the assertion would stand. 

" It had been advanced, that " in the majority of such 
cases the power had been given ta the Prince of Wales/* 
If such cases could be adduced, they would, he owned^ 
be cases in point; but, then, to prove what? To prove,, 
that such heirs apparent possessed no inherent right* 
If a right existed to represent the king, it must be 
a perfect and an entire right, a right admitting of no 
Eiodiiication whatever, because if any thing short of 
the: whole power were given, it would be less than by 
ri^bt could be claimed, and consequently an acknow- 
iedgment that no such right existed. But, could any 
such cases be pointed out ? By a reference to th©> 
ancient records, it would be found, that the Ctisios. 
regnf^ or lieutenant for the kuigj had never be^i invest^ 
ed with the whole rights of the king himself. The 
powers given to the cu&tos regrd had been different,, 
under difterent circumstances ; a plain and manifest 
inference thence arose, that the cmtodes regni did not 
hold iheir situation as a right, but by appointment. 
The powers of bestowing benefices, and doing other 
acts of sovereignty, had been occasionally given to tlie 
ciistodes regni^ which shewed that their powers had 
been always subject to some Hmitation or other. In 
modern times,, lord-justices had been frequently ap* 
pointed to the exercise of sovereign authority, during 
the residence of a prince of age in the country. An* 
other instaix-e th^t occurred to him was, where the 
exercise of royalty harl been interrupted by severe ill- 
ness, and which appeared to him to be more a case in 
point than any other, to the present melancholy mo-^ 
iiientr^ The example to which he ailuded wa^> \k% 



190 LIFE or THE LATE 

precedent of Henry the Sixth, where the heir apparent 
was not of full age. It would then, to supply the de- 
fect of that precedent, be necessary to have recourse 
to the principles of the constitution, and to the law's of 
the land; and, upon this ground, it would be disco- 
vered, that the parliament of that day provided for 
the moment; that they were not content with such 
provisiorr, but that they looked forward to the time 
Vvhen the heir apparent should attain full age, grant- 
ing him a reversionary patent, the same precisely with 
the regent's, to take place when he should come of 
age. Thus, though they provided for allowing him at 
that period more considerable powers than they had 
suffered him before to possess, they had still not grants 
ed him the full powers of sovereignty, but had made 
such limitations as proved their most positive denial 
of any right existing. That instance, though a single 
one, iand where the heir apparent was not of full age, 
. Avas sufficient to shew the sense of parliament in those 
days, as much as if the heir apparent had been of full 
age. 

' ** If no precedent contrary to those which he had 
Stated to the committee could be advanced, he should 
presume, that the committee would, of course, admit 
that no right existed with an heir apparent, or an heir 
presumptive, to assume the functions of royalty on the 
temporary incapacity of the sovereign; nor any rights 
but those delegated by the two remaining branches of 
the legislature. He scrupled not, therefore, to de- 
clare, that no positive law, nor the least analogy from 
any law, could be adduced to support the doctrine of 
right. A record had, indeed, been quoted elsewhere, 
(the House of Lords,) to prove that the king and tli^ 



WILLIAM PITT. 191 

heir apparent were one and the same person, and that 
it followed of course, that, on the incapacity of the 
king, the heir apparent had a legal and clear right 
immediately to exercise the same powers that the king 
had possessed : but a ditferent opinion was entertained 
of that, record by persons of eminence and authority 
in the law, and by their opinion a far different conclu- 
sion was drawn from the same record, the metaphor- 
ical expression of which was not to be taken literally. 
Another opinion which had been started, was, that if 
parliament had not been sitting, in such a case the 
Prince would have a right to assume the royal author* 
ity, and summon parliament. But this position^ he 
should expressly contradict, because those who were, 
like him, standing up for the rights of parliament, and, 
through parliament, Yor the rights of the people, were 
peculiarly fortunate in one particular; they were as 
fortunate as most of those who had truth and justice 
on their side generally were, because little was left for 
them to do, except to controvert and overcome their 
antagonists by stating to them and comparing their 
own arguments and assertions, made at difierent times, 
and as the occasion suited. 

" It bad been pretty strenuously contended elsewhere 
by a learned magistrate, (Lord Loughborough,) who 
had chosen to force his own construction on their 
silence, that our ancestors, if they had entertained any 
doubt of the right of an heir apparent, would in their 
wisdoiti have provided for so possible a case as the 
present, instead of leaving the interpretation of this 
point to that learned Jord's wisdom, it must be cpn:- 
eluded by the committee that, they would have pro- 
vided lor it in. plain, distinct, clear, and express words, 



19^ LIFE OF ITHE LATE 

find would not have left it liable to be differently 
understood. The wisdom of our ancestors, however, 
he conceived, was better proved by their having said 
nothing upon it, but left such a question to be decided 
where it ought to be decided, wlienever the occasion 
required it, by the two houses of parliament. That 
the committee might assert the same, be meant, in the 
Resolution he should offer, to quote that doctrine from 
the bill of rights, and assert that it rested with the 
lords and commons, as the rightful representatives of 
the people. If the contrary doctrine was so evident 
that it must be true ; if the heir apparent, or heir pre- 
sumptive, had a clear right to assume the royal prero- 
gative, on the interruption of those powers, he desired 
to ask every gentleman in the committee, whether 
they would wish to adopt such a doctrine as a doctrine 
apphcable to the safety of the crown, which had been 
long gloriously worn by his Majesty, ftnd which it was 
the ardent, the sincere wish of his people that he 
might long continue to wear, until it should, in due 
time, and in a natural manner, descend to his legal 
and his illustrious successor ?"^ Mr. Pitt here strongly 
deprecated the idea of avoiding the discussion oi what 
limitations might be necessary for insuring the safety 
of the crown on the head of its present possessor, on 
account of the many virtuous qualifications of the 
prince, or out of respect to any other motive what- 
soever. ** It would not have been wisdom in our ances- 
tors if they had said, that the care of the persoil of the 
sovereign ought to be vested in the heir apparent. 
He hoped in this declaration, that he should not be 
iij^isunderstood, for he was ready to acknowledge the 
greatest and best qualities in the present heir appa- 



WILLIAM PUT. IpS 

reftt ; but he would rather, in what he had said, be 
misrepresented in any manner and any where, than 
sacrifice the duty which he owed to the safety of his 
sovereign, and to the interests of ths people. 

*' The right honorabl-e gentleman opposite to him bad 
said, on a former day, that his royal highness had as 
clear a right to the exercise of the sovereign authority, 
as he would have had in case of the natural demise of 
the sovereign, ana that he conceived the present to be 
a civil death. Could the committee ?o consider his 
Majesty's indisposition, which was not an uncommon 
case, and generally but temporary, couid they con- 
ceive that his Majesty bad undergone a chil death ? He 
was sure they would not. If such a thing existed at 
the present moment as a civil death, his royal highness 
would immediately ascend the throne, with the full 
exercise of the royal prerogative, and not as a regent ; 
for a ci^Al death, like a natural death, was permanent. 
He stated from Mr. Justice Blackstone, that there 
were but two cases in which a man could undergo a 
civil death; the first was his being banished from the 
.realm by process of common law ; the second, his 
having entered into a religious order, and becoming a 
monk professed, thereby taking himself for ev^r from 
all secular concerns. The first was an aot which cut 
off a criminal from society within the realra, and the 
other was the voluntary act of retiring from the world. 
Would any man pretend, that either of those cases 
was analogous to the visitation of Heaven, to a stroke 
inflicted by Providence, which might, and probably 
would, prove temporary ? Could it be pretended, that 
they ought to be adduced as acts' to prevent fais 
NO. 16. B, 



394 LIFE OF THE LATE 

Majesty in future from exprdsing those powers. whici* v 
^he.bad never forfeited, never renounced ? 

/' After having advanced so much in contradiction to 
the claim of right, he beheved no one would think of 
asserting it. The only question, then, was, and to 
vi'hich what had passed before was but preliminary, 
where did the right exist ? If no provision, in prece- . 
dent,, in history, or in law, was to be found for the ,^ 
exercise of such authority, on the disability of the, j. 
sovereign, where was it to be found ? It was to be 
found in the voice, in the sense of the people. With 
them it rested; and, though, in extraordinary cases, 
in most countries, such an event as the calamity which 
all deplored, would have gone near to dissolve the 
constitution itself, yet, in this more happily tempered 
form of government, equally participating the advan- 
tageS;, and at the same time avoiding the evils of a 
democracy, an oligarchy, or an aristocracy, it would 
have no such effect; for though the third estate of the 
legislature might be deficient, yet the organs of speech 
of the people remained entire in their representatives, 
by the houses of lords and commons, through which 
the sense of the people might be taken. The lords 
and commons represented the whole estate of the 
people, and witli them it rested as a right, a constitu- 
tional and legal right, to provide for the deficiency of 
the third branch of the legislature, whenever a defici- 
ency arose ; they were the legal organs of speech for 
the people; and such he conceived tp be the. true doc- 
trine of the constitution, ile would not merely state 
these as his own opinions, but he would state them to 
be the opinions of those who had framed the revolu- 



WILLIAM PITT. fP5 

fen, who bad Hot, like the committee, to provide for 
the interruption of regal powers, while the throne was 
full, but to supply the deficiency of the third branch of 
the legislature, v\hich was A^holly vacant. Whenever 
the third-branch, bovvever,-of the legislature was wholly 
gone, or but suffered a suspension, it was equally ne- 
cessary to resort to the organs of the people's speech.^ 
Agreeably to the laws of the land, to the records of 
parliament, to precedent, and to the constitution, the 
political capacity of the king, except in cases of abso- 
lute forfeiture of the crown, was aUvays considered as 
legally entire; and during that political capacity, ac- 
cording to the 'spirit of the constitution, if any natural^ 
incapacity should cause a suspension x)f the royal 
authority, it then rested with the remaining branches 
€>f the legislature to supply such defect. In every pro-- 
ceeding of the parliament, in the reign of Henry the 
Sixth, they had acted upon such a power, and declared 
in what manner, and 1 y whom,- the royal avithority was- 
to be txefci^ed for, and in' ibe name of, the King,- In^ 
that reign the'0ukeot Gloccester claimed the regency, 
and a^pplied ta parliament for the same as his right ; biit 
the answer of parliam.ent to such claim was, that he 
neither had by birth, nor the will of his brother, any 
rigiit whatever to the exercise of the royal authority. 
Tliey," however, appointed him regent, and entrusted 
■him with the care of the young king. Here was an 
instance of the claim of right having been actually 
made, and an instance, likewise, that it had been fully 
decided- on by the then parliament, who declared, that 
no such ri<^ht existed, cither from the law of the landc, 
or from precedent. The rights of parliament were- 
congenial with the- constitution.'' 
r2. 



196 LIFE OF THE LATE 

Mr. Pitt referred the committee to every analogy 
that could be drawn from the principles of the con- 
s<titution, and he contended, that "the only right wouW 
be found to exist in parliament, describing it as a right 
capable of so effectually providing for the deficiency of 
the third branch of the legislature, as to enable them 
to appoint a power to give sanction to their proceed- 
ings, in the same manner, as if the king was present. 
As the power of filling the thrcJne rested v;ith the peo- 
ple at th^ revolution, so, at the present moment, on 
the same principles of liberty, on the same rights of 
parliament, did the providing for the deficiency rest 
with the people. He declared, that he felt himself 
inadequate to the great task of stating the rights and 
privileges of the constitution, and of parliament ; but 
be had made it appear, as plainly as he could, that no 
right existed any where to exercise the whole or any 
part, of the royal prerogatives, during the indisposi- 
tion of the sovereign, lie had also proved, that, from 
the necessity of the case, it rested with that and the 
other house of parliament, to provide for the defici- 
ency in the legislature. He supposed that doubts 
iniglit be stated as to the propriety of coming to any 
decision on the question, and that he might be charged 
with having stirred notions .dangerous to the state ; 
but such questions, he begged it to be remembered, he 
had not stirred. When questions concerning the rights 
.of the people, the rights of the parliarnent, and the 
.interests of the nation, were started, it was necessary, 
.if the house had a right on the subject, to exercise that 
right : it was their duty ; it was a matter tl)at could .by 
;Bo means be lightly given up. If it was their duty^ 
in the present calamitous state of the nation, to grai^jt 



Wri:i:iiiM pitt. W7 

pow^r, they ought to know how they granted such 
power. They must decide, either iu the manner of -a 
-choice, or acting judicially, to recognise a claim of 
right; and if they recognized such a claim, it would 
be an acknowledgment that they had no power to de- 
liberate on the subject. If they did not come to some 
-decision, they \\'Ould confound their own proceedings, 
and it would be highly dangerous to posterity, in point 
of precedeiit. They were not, therefore, to consult 
their o^vn convenience. He remarked that, originally, 
the claim of right had been asserted by the right lio- 
nourable gentleman, in strong and lofty terms, but 
that th« tone had been since somewhat lowered. He 
(declared he could see ho possibility of the com mitt^e 
proceeding a single step farther, without knowing on- 
^hat kind of ground they proceeded ; and, therefore, 
it became indispensably necessary to have the ques- 
tion of right decided. The danger of the question ori- 
ginated in its having been stirred, not in its being de- 
cided ; the danger of the stirring would be done away 
by the division, but leaving it undecided and equivo* 
cal would be highly dangerous. The decision of both 
houses could be attended with no dissention, but if the 
right of parliament, was not confirmed^ the measures 
of both houses w^ould be imputed, he feared, rather 
to motives of personal interest and convenience than to 
a due regard for the interest of the country. The 
measures which he meant to propose were dictated by 
no other motive than an anxious desire, in conformity 
to his duty, to provide for the safety of the king, the 
rights of parliament, and the interests of the people."' 

Mr. Pitt previous to the conclusion - of his speech, 
adverted to what he described as the opinioios stated 



-19^ 3LIFE OF THE LATS 

by a noble lord (Lord Rawdon) in another place, irt 
contradiction to his assertion, that the Prince of Wales 
.bad no more right to assume the regency than any 
other individual subject. He said, that " he under- 
stood that in arguing that matter, sonie very extraor^ 
^dinary modes of reasoning had been resorted to. 
Among other fX)nceived proofs that the rights of the 
.Prince of Wales were ditTerent from those of other sub- 
jects, it had been contended, that the Prince of Wales 
was, in an old record, quoted, by Lord Coke, pro^ 
iiounced one and the same with the king. The fact 
.certainly was so; but to drav/ from such a eircum* 
stance an argument, that the prince had_ a right to ex- 
ercise t^e sovereign authority, under the present cir- 
cumstances of his Majesty's unfortunate incapacity, 
was an instance so monstrous,, that he should think he 
deeerved censure fox sporting with the gravity of the 
bouse, if he suffered himself to treat it with the least 
gravity whatsoever. In truth a very different conclu- 
ssion might be drawn from the whole of that record^, 
the metaphorical language of which was not to be 
taken in a literal sense, in that or any other point o£ 
SQ- much importance. Another position, laid down at 
the same time? and in the same place, was, that the 
Prince of Wales, as heir apparent and being of full age>. 
could assume the exercise of the sovereign, authority^ 
if his Majesty's infirmity had occurred when the par-- 
Ijament were not sitting: hut that doctrine had been, 
so expressly contradicted in that house, by the right 
honourable gentleman opposite to him, when the sub- 
ject was last agitated, that it was needless for him to^ 
say a syllable more relative to its nature. A third ar- 
gument, urged in support of the prince's right, v/as, that^\ 



a' Prince of Wales could sne out an execution, as king, 
in a cause in which he had obtained a judgment as 
Prince of Wales. But what was there decidedly con- 
clusive in this position ? The Prince of Wales had this 
advantage over other subjects^ was obvious. If the 
son of a peer who had maintained a suit in the court 
of Westminster Hall and obtained a judgment, suc- 
ceeded to his father's honours before he had sued out 
an execution, he could not sue out an execution, witl?- 
out previously identifying himself, and satisfying the 
court that he was the same person who had prosecuted 
the suit, and obtained the judgment. And why was 
not the Prince of Wales obliged to do the same ? For 
this plain reason, the courts of Westminster Hall are 
holden in the name of the king, and., therefore, in his 
own courts, it must be a matter of notoriety, that on 
the demise of the crown, the Prince @f Wales had suc- 
ceeded to it, and became king y but were these argu» 
ments multiplied ten times over, what did they prove ? 
Merely tliat the prince had rights, of some sort of 
other, peculiar to himself; but did they prove that he 
had a right to exercise the sovereign authority,, on his 
lather's incapacity, without the consent and declared 
approbation of the two remaining branches of the le- 
gislature ? No more than a proof, that a man having 
an estate in JNliddlesex was a proof that he had ano- 
ther in Cornwall, and a third in Yorkshire. Jn fact^ 
all these arguments put together, regarded and con- 
sidered with a reference to the point in dispute, whe- 
tlier the Prince of Wales, as heir apparent, had a right 
to exercise the sovereign authority, during the incapa- 
city of his Majesty, were so irrelevant, so foreign to- 
tlie questioHj and so perfectly absurd,^ tiiat they wef.© 



200 LIFE OF THE LATE 

not tabe relied on as law, even if they came from the 
mouth of a judge. 

" With respect to the strong and lofty assertion that 
had been at first made of the right of the Prince of 
Wales, as heir apparent, to assume the exercise of the 
vsovereignt}^, it was sufficient to observe that this doc- 
trine was retracted. Upon this occasion, he should 
beg leave to recal the word and say, not retracted, 
but disavowed. This reminded him of the precedent 
in the reign of Henry the ^ixth, during which,, the 
Duke of Gloucester quarrelled with the Bi.&hop of 
Winchester, which disagreement rose so high, and 
*vas carried so far, that at length the duke brought a 
criminal charge against the bishop, accusing him of 
having in a former reign, advised the Prince of Wales, 
afterwards Henry the fifth, to assume the sovereign 
authority in the hfe time of his father, Henry the 
fourth. Though the charge, if proved, w^ould have 
been high treason, the bishop desired that it might be 
feferred to the judges, and that its validity might be 
determined by the strictest investigation. The quarrel, 
however, was compromised, on grounds of personal 
convenience, and the charge never came to a legal de* 
ciaion." 

Mr. Pitt having endeavoured by many arguments 
to establish the right of the two Louses of parliament to 
provide the means of supplying the defect in the case 
of the king's incapacity to exercise the sovereign au- 
tliority, expressed his hopes '* that he should impress 
the house with a conviction, that if they had a right, 
they had also a duty ; — a duty, which neither their 
allegiance nor their affection to their sovereign would 
allow them to dispense with. It was their duty at this 



WILLIAM PITT. 201 

tinte, uot only unequivocally to declare their right, sa 
lliat it might remain ascertained, beyond the posbibi- 
lity, of all question hereafter, and become secured to 
posterity, but to proceed, without delay, to exercise 
their right, and provide the means of supplying ihe 
defect of the personal exercise of the royal authority, 
arising from his Majesty's indisposition. Upon no ac- 
count did it appear probable that their decision could 
either occasion a disseiition between the t\\'0 houses of 
parliament, or produce mischievous consequences of 
any kind whatsoever. On the contrary, if the right 
were not declared, as well as decided, it would ap- 
pear that the two houses had made a compromise, un- 
becoming themselves, and had acted upon personal 
motives, rather than a due regard to the true interests 
of their country." Mr. Pitl then read his resolutions 
as follow : — 

I. '' That it is the opinion of this committee, that 
his Majesty is prevented, by his present indisposition, 
from coming to his parliament, and from attending to 
pubhc business, and that the personal exercise of thfe 
royal authority is thereby, for the present interrupted^, 

II. " That it is the opinion of this committee, that 
it is the right and duty of the lords spiritual and ten> 
poral and commons of Great Britain, now assemfjled, 
-and lawfully, fully, and freely representing all the 
estates of the people of this realm, to provide the 
means of supplying the defect of the personal exercise 
of the royal authority, arising from his Majesty's said 
indisposition, in such manner as the exigency of the 
case may appear to require. 

Resolved, " That for this purpose, and for main- 
tainmg.euiire the constitutional autiiority of -tl>e 



202 LIFE OF THiT LATE 

king, it is necessary, that the said lords spiritual and 
temporal and commons of Great Britain, should deter- 
mine on the means whereby the royal assent m?y be 
given in parliament to such bills as may be passed -by 
the two houses of parliament ; respecting the exercise 
of the powers and authorities of the crown, in the name, 
and on the behalf, of the king, during the continuance 
of his Majesty's present indisposition/' 

To the violent conflict which the latter proposition 
had excited, after the first had been carried unani- 
niously, Mr. Pitt thus coolly answered :— 

He observed, 'Mt was not without some astonish- 
ment that he discovered, that the right honourable 
gentleman (Mr. Fox) had thought proper, particu- 
Jarly in the latter part of his speech, to^digress from 
the question of right, which was then before the house, 
in order to enter upon the question of expediency, and 
:ihat not so much for the purpose even of discussing, 
that expediency as to take an oppoiianity of introduc- 
ing an attack of a personal, nature on him. The 
house viTould recollect, whether the manner in which 
ie (Mr. Pitt) had opened the debate, either p^rovoked 
3or justified this animosity. This attack which the 
right honourable gentleman had just now made, he 
declared to be unfounded, arrogant, and presumptu- 
ous. The right honourable gentleman had charged 
Jiim, as acting from a miscliievous spirit of ambition, 
unable to bear the idea of paitingwiih power, which 
lie li ad, so long retained ; but not expecting the favor 
of the prince, which he was conscious he had not de- 
served, and therefore disposed to envy and obstruct 
the credit of those, who were to be his successors. 
Whether to him belonged that character of mischie- 



tVILLIAlM PITT. 203' 

vous ambition which would sacrifice the principles of 
the constitution to a desire of power, he raust leave to 
the house and the country to determine. They would 
decide, whether, in the whole of his conduct, during 
this unfortunate crisis, any consideration which afifect- 
ed his own personal situation, or any management for 
the sake of preserving power, appeared to have had 
the chief share in deciding the measures he had pro- 
posed. As to his being conscious, that he did not de- 
serve the favour of the prince, he could only say, that 

^ he knew but one way, in which he, or any man, could 
deserve it ; by havmg uniformly endeavoured, in a 
public situation, to do his duty to the king his father, 
and to the country at large, if, in tiius endeavouring 
to deserve the confidence of the prince, it should ap- 
pear, that he in fact had lust it, however painful and 
mortifying that circumstance might be to him, and 
from whatever cause it n)ight proceed, he should in- 
deed regret it, but he couki boldly say, that it was iia* 
possible he should ever repent of it. 

*' The right honourable gentleman had thought pro- 
per to announce himself, and his friends to be the suc- 
cessors of the present administration. He did not 
know on what authority the rigiit honourable genlle- 

b manmade tliis declaration ; but he thought, that with a 
■ view to those questions of expediency, which the right 
honourable getaleman had introduced, both the house 
and the couLuy were obliged to him for this seasonable 
warnirig of whac they would L<ive to expect. The na- 
tion had already had experience oi that right honour- 
able gentleman and his principles. Without meaning 
lo use terms of reproach, or to enter into any impu- 
tation concerning his motives, it could not be denied^ 
that they were open and professedly active, on the 



204 LIFE OF THE LATE 

ground of procuring an advantage, from the strength 
of a party, to nominate the ministers of the crown. It 
could not be denied, that it was maintained as a fun- 
damental principle, that a minister ought at all tirues 
€0 to be nominated. He would therefore speak plainly.' 
If persons, who possessed those principles, were iu 
reality likely to be the advisers of the prince, in the 
exercise of those powers which were necessary to be 
given, during the present unfortunate interval, it was 
the strongest additional reason, if any were wanting, for 
being careful to consider what the extent of those 
powers ought to be. It was impossible not to suppose, 
that, by such advisers, those powers would be pervert- 
ed to a purpose, which it was impossible to imagine 
that the Prince of Wales could, if he was aware of it, 
even endure for a moment ; but to which, by artifice 
and misrepresentation, he might unintentionally be 
uiade accessary, for the purpose of creating a perma- 
nent weight and influence, in the hands of a party, 
which would be dangerous to the just rights of the 
erown, when the moment should arrive, (so much 
wished, and, perhaps, so soon to be expected,) of his 
Majesty's being able to resume the exercise of hi« own 
authority. The notice, therefore, which the right ho- 
Rourable gentleman in his triumph had condescended 
to give to the house, furnished the most irresistible 
reason for them deliberately to consider, lest ia 
providing for the means of carrying on the ad- 
ministiation, during a short and temporary inter- 
val, they might sacrifice the permanent interest of 
the country, in future, by laying the foundation of 
such measures, as might, for ever afterwards during 
the continuance of his Majesty's reign, obstruct the 



, ' WILLIAM PITT. 20i> 

just and salutary exercise of the eonstitutioi^^l powers 
of governrnent, in the hands of its rightful pos^asor, 
Ihe sovereign, whom they all revered and loved. 
*' The noble lord in the blue ribbon, (Lord North) 
* like most of the gentlemen who had spoken on that 
side of the house, had argued, not against the truth pf 
the resolutions, but the propriety of coming to then), 
and had waved any dispute on the question of right. 
The right honourable gentleman, thoqgh he afiected, 
also, to object to the propriety of coming to this reso- 
lution, had directed his whole argument, as far as it 
went, to an invalidation of the truth of the proposition 
a.nd the maintenance of his former assertion, in favour 
of the existing right of the Prince of Wales. This lin^ 
of argument, supported by such authority was itself 
an answer to those who doubted the propriety of any 
resolution. 

*' The right honourable gentleman had ventured to 
represent him, as havizig declined maintaiiung his for- 
Aier asserticxn, ' That the Prince of Wales had no more 
right to the regency, than any other subject in the 
country,' and he had also intimated, that he liad thus 
retracted, in consequence of believing that not tweijitj 
persons would join in supporting that proposition. But 
it so happened, that hf; did not retract one single word 
of that assertion. Gentlemen might quarrel with the 
phrase, if tiiey thought proper, and misi^epreseut it, in 
imitation of the rigb^ honourable gentleiflan, in order 
to cover the arguments used by a .noble lord (Lord 
Loughborough) in another place. B?ut he was in the 
recollection of the house, whether when iie first used 
the expression, he had not guarded it, as meaning to^ 
irpeak strictly of a claiai of right, not of any reasons of 
ISO. 17» s 



206 LIFE OF THE LATE 

preference, on the ground of discretion or expediency.. 
He was also in iheir recollection, whether the right he 
spoke of, was any other than the specific right in ques- 
tion, namely, the right to exercise the royal authority, 
under the present circumstances. He had maintained 
that the prince had no such right. If the prince had 
not the right, he could not be said to have any more 
right than any other subject in the country. But was 
it any answer to the assertion, that as Prince of Wales 
he had no right to the regency, to say that he had other 
rights, different from the rest of the king'.r subjects, 
but which had nothing to do with the regency ? Yet 
all the rights of the Prince of Wales, which had been 
mentioned by the noble lord alluded to, were of this 
description. It would be just as reasonable if the 
question were, whether any person had a right to a 
particular estate in Kent or Surrey ? To argue, yes, 
te has, for he has such and such an estate in York- 
shire and in Cornwall. With regard to the question, 
whether twenty persons did or did not agree in his de- 
nial of the right of the Prince of Wale^, he would put 
the whole on that issue, that if the Prince of Wales- 
had any such right, the resolution he had moved could 
not be true ; and he considered every person who dif- 
fered from his assertion on that subject, as bound to 
vote against the present motion. 

" The right honourable gentleman, in discussing 
the question of right, chose also to remark, that the 
right of the two houses, and the right of the Prince of 
Wales, were to be considered as two rival rights, and 
that the only question was. in favour of which the ar- 
gument preponderated. He should be perfectly ready 
to meet the question on this issue, if it were the true 
one, for the right of the two houses was clearly sup- 



WILLIAM PITT. 207* 

ported by precedent and usage, in every similar case, 
by express declarations of parliament, and by positive 
authority of law; yet the right of the Prince of Wales 
was noteven attempted to be supported on any of those 
grounds, bat on pretended reasons of expediency', 
founded on imaginary and extravagant cases. In fact 
this was noi the fair issue of the argument. I'he right 
of the Prince of V/ales was not to be considered as a - 
rival right to be argued on the same grounds as the 
other. It was a right v»hich could not exist, unless it 
was capable of being expressly and positi-vely proved ; 
whereas the right of parliament was that which exist- 
ed of course, unless some other right could be proved 
to exclude it,^ — v/as that, which, en the principles of 
thins free constitution must always exist in every case, 
where no positive provision had been made by law, and 
where the necessity of the case and the safely of the 
country called for their interposition. The absence of 
any other right, v/as in itself enough to constitute the 
Ti^ht of the two houses : and the bare admission that 
the right of the Prince of Wales was not clearly and 
expressly proved, virtually operated as an admission 
of every point under discussion.^' 

The resolutions now being carried, and the parties 
completely at issue on one of the greatest national 
questions that ever was agitated in any senate, Mr. 
Pitt, who had already communicated on the subject 
with the Prince of Wales, now addressed to his royal 
highness the foUov/mg letter, upon the plan which he 
had prepared for the temporary government of the 
kingdom, and which while it ail^'ords the clearest view 
of his own principles on this subject, will supply the 
only specimen we can offer of his epistolary talents* 
s 2 



^OB LirE l)¥ Ti1£ LA Til 

" Sir, 

**The proceedings in pafiiartient being now brought 
to a point, which will render it necessary to propose 
to the house of commons, the particular nieasures to 
be taken for supp]3ung the defect of the personal exer- 
cise of the royal authority during the present interval, 
and your Royal Highness having some time since sig- 
liified your pleasure^ that any communication on this 
subject should be in writing, 1 take the liberty of re- 
spectfully entreating your Royal Highness's permission 
to subm.it to your consideration, the outlines of the 
plan which his IMajesty's confidenlial servants humbly 
conceive (according to the best judgmetit which they 
ar(? able to form,) to be proper to be propc^9ed hi the 
pR^•^lf^nt riicumsUineeS. 

'' it is iheir humble opinion that your Royal High- 
ne^fes should be empowered to exercise the royal au- 
thority in the name and on the behalf of his Mitj^s- 
ty, during his Majesty'^ illness, and to do all acts 
which might legally be done by his Majesty ; with pro- 
visions, nevertheless, that the care of his Majesty's 
royal person, and the management of his Majesty's 
household, and the direction and appointment of the 
officers and servants therein, should be in the Queen, 
under such regulations as may be thought necessary. — 
That the power to be exercised by your Royal High- 
liess, should not extend to the granting of the real or 
personal property of the king, (except as far as relates 
to the renewal of leases) to the granting of any office 
in reversion, or to the granting, for any other term 
than daring his Majesty's pleasure, of any pension or 
any office whatever, except such as must by law h0 



WILLIAM PITT. 209 

granted for life, or during good behaviour, nor to tbe 
granting of any rank or dignity of tbe peerage of tliis 
realm to any person, except his Majesty's issue, who 
shall have attained the age of twenty one years.. 

" These are the chief points which have occurred to 
his Majesty's servants. 1 beg leave to add, that their 
ideas are formed on the supposition that his Majesty's 
illness is onl}^ temporary, and may be of no long dura- 
tion. It may be difficult to fix beforehand, the pre- 
eise period for which these provisions ought to last ; 
but if, unfortunately, his Majesty's recovery should be 
protracted to a more distant period than there is rea- 
son at present to imagine, it will be open hereafter to 
the wisdom of parliament, to recon-sider these provi* 
visions whenever the circumstances may appear to call 
for it. 

*' If your Royal Highness should be pleased to re»- 
quire any further explanation on the subject, and 
should condescend to signify your orders, that I should 
have the honor of attending your Royal Flighnessfor 
that purpose, or to intimate any other mode in which 
your Royal Highness may wish to receive such expla- 
nation, 1 shall respectfully wait your Royal Highness'^, 
commands. 

^* I have the Iionour to be, 
'' With the utmost deference and submission^ 
. " Sir, 
" Your Royal HighnessV 

" Most dutiful and devoted; servant^ 

*^\V, Pitt. 

^' Downing St reef, 

^' Tiiaday Night, D^c. 30j nSBJ' 



glO LIFE OF THE LATE 

The following answer wbich was promptly returned 
to Mr. Pitt, and conferred considerable credit on his 
royal highness the Prince and those gentlemen in his 
particular confidence, has been generally considered as 
not a little indebted to the advice of Mr. Sheridan. 

** The Prince of Wales learns from Mr. Pitt's letter 
that the proceedings in parliament are now in a train 
which enables Mr. Pitt, according to the intimation in 
his former letter, to communicate to the Prince, the 
outlines of the plan which his Majesty's confidential 
servants conceive to he proper to be proposed in the 
present circumstances. 

*^ Concerning the steps already taken by Mr. Pitt, 
the Prince is silent. Nothing done by the two housed 
of parliament can be a proper subject of his animad- 
version ; but when previously to an}- discussion in 
parliament, the outlines of a scheme of government are 
sent for his consideration, in which it is proposed that 
he siiail be personally and principally concerned, and 
by which the royal authority and public Welfare may- 
lie deeply affected, the Prince would be unjusiifi-able,. 
^vere he to withhold an explicit declarjition oi his sen- 
n^ents. This silence might be constriied into a previ- 
ous approbation of a plan, the accompli'Shment of 
which every motive of duty to his father and sovereign, 
as well as of regard for the public interest <>bliges him 
to consider as injurious to both. 

** In the state of deep distress in which the Prince^ 
and the whole Royal Family were involved ; by the 
heavy calamity which has fallen upon the king, and at a 
moment when government, deprived of its chief energy 
and support, seemed peculiarly to need the cordial and 



VtlL-LlAM PITT. 211 

united did of all descriptions of good subjects, it tvasiiot 
expected by the Prince, that a plan should be offered 
to his consideration, by which government was to be 
rendered difficult, if not impracticable, in the hands 
of any person intended to represent the king's autho- 
rity, much less in the hands of his eldest son — the heir 
apparent of his kingdoms, and the person most bound 
to the maintenance of his Majesty's just prerogatives 
and authority, as well as most interested in the hap- 
piness, the prosperity, and the glory of the people. 

" The Prince forbears to remark on the several 
parts of the sketch of the plan laid before him ; he ap- 
prehends it must have been formed with sufficient deli- 
beration to preclude the probability of any argument 
of his producing an alteration of sentiment in the pro- 
jectors of it. But he trusts, with confidence, to the 
wisdom and justice of parliament, when the whole of 
this subject, and the circumstances connected with it, 
shall come under their deliberation. 

*' He observes, therefore, only generally on the 
heads communicated by Mr. Pitt — and it is with deep 
regret the Prince makes the observation,, that he sees, 
in the contents of that paper, a project for producing 
weakness, disorder and insecurity in every branch of 
the administration of affairs. — A project for dividing 
the royal family from each other — for separating the^ 
court from the state ; and, therefore, by disjoining 
government from its natural and accustomed support; 
a scheme for disconnecting the authority to command 
service, from the power of animating it by reward i 
and for allottitig to the Prince all the ilividious duties 
of government, without the means of softening theiii 



212 LIFE OF THE LATE 

to the public, by any one act of grace, favour, or be- 
nignity. . ^ . . , 

" The Prince's feelings on contemplating this plan^ 
are also rendered slill more painful to him, by observ- 
ing that it is not founded on any general principle, 
but is calculated to inspire jealousies and suspicions 
(wholly groundless, he trusts) in that quarter, whose 
confidence it will ever be the first pride of his life to 
merit and obtain. 

" With regard to the motive and object of the limi- 
tation and instructions proposed, the Prince can have 
but little to observe, no light or information is offered 
him by his Majesty's ministers on these points. They 
have informed him what the powers are which they 
mean to refuse hinj, not why they are withheld. 

** The Prince, however^ holding as he does, that it 
is an undoubted and fundamental principle of this con- 
stitution, that the powers and prerogatives of the 
crown are vested there, as a trust for the benefit of the 
people; and that they are sacred only as they are ne- 
cessary to the preservation of that poise and balance 
of the constitution, which experience has proved to be 
the true security of the liberty of the subject — must be- 
allowed to observe, that the plan of public utility 
ought to be strong, manifest, and urgent, which calls 
for the extipxticn or suspension of any one of those 
essential rights in the supreme power, or its represen- 
tative; or which can justify the Prince in consenting, 
that, in his person an experiment shall be made to 
ascertain with how small a portion of kingly power 
the executive government of this country may be car- 
ried on. 

** The Piiuce has only to add; that if security for 



WILLIAM PITTV 213- 

his Majesty's repossessing his rightful government, 
whenever it shall please Providence, in bounty to the 
country, to remove the calamity wiih which he is 
afflicted, be any part of the object of this plan, the 
Prince has only to be convinced that any measure is* 
necessary, or even conducive to that end, to be the 
first to seize it as the preliminary and permanent con-- 
sideration of any settlement in which he would con- • 
sent to share. 

" If attention to what it is presumed might be his 
Majesty's feelings and v^ishes on the happy day of his 
recovery, be the object, it is with the truest sincerity th^ 
Prince expresses his firm conviction, that no event would 
be more repugnant to the feelings of his royal father, 
than the knowledge that tha government of bis son and' 
jRpresentative had exhibited the sovereign power of the 
xenlm in a state of degradation, of curtailed authority, 
and diminished energy-— a state hurtful in practice tO 
(he prosperity and good government of his people, and 
injurious in its precedent to the security of the mo- 
narch, and the rights of bis family. 

*' Upon that part of the plan which regards the 
king's real and personal property, the Prince feels him- 
self compelled to remark that it was not necessary for 
IMr. Pitt, nor proper, to suggest to the Prince the re- 
strairit he proposes against the Prince's granting away 
the king's real or personal property. The Prince doe^- 
not conceive, that, during the king's life, he is, by^ 
law, entitled to make any suCh grantj and he is sure, 
that he ha? never shewn the smallest inclination to 
possess any such power. But it remains with Mr. Pitt 
to consider the esseatiiil interests of the royal 'fe.ttrilyi^ 



214 LIFE OF THE LATE 

and to provide a proper and natural security against 
the mismanagement of them by others. 

The Prince has discharged an indispensable duty, 
in thus giving his free opinion on the plan submitted 
to his consideration. 

** This conviction of the evils which may arise to 
the king's interests, to the peace and happiness of the 
royal family, and to the safely and welfare of the na- 
tion, from the government of the country remaining 
longer in its present maimed and debilitated state, out- 
weighs, in the Prince's n^ind, every other considera- 
tion, and will determine him to undertake the pdnful 
trust imposed upon him by the present melancholy 
necessity (which of all the lung's subjects he deplores 
the most) in full confidence, that the atfection and 
loyalty to the king, the experienced attachment to the 
house of BruBswick, and the generosity which has 
always distinguished this nation, will carry him through 
the many difficulties, inseparable fix>m this most criti- 
cal situation, with comfort to himself, with honour to 
the king, and with advantage to the public. 

'' G. P. 
*' Carlton House ^ 
" Januarij 2, 1789.'' 

Whatever the real effect of this answer had on the 
mind of Mr. Pitt, although it did not bend his manly 
principles into acquiescence with its views of the sub- 
ject, it certainly must be admitted to have rendered him 
more desirous of conciliating the various opinions it 
had created. 

Oli'thfe l6th of January, 1789, the subject was re- 
sumed, when this efiect was very apparent. 



WILLIAM PITT. 2J5x 

Mr. Pitt opened his remarks by expressing concern 
at perceiving ^' that the particular situation of the coun- 
try called upon them to exercise a right that had de- 
volved upon them in consequence of the melancholy 
situation of his Majesty, which rendered him inca- 
pable of exercising the royal authority. Upon the 
present distressful occasion, it behoved them to pro- 
vide the means of supplying the deficiency : but, in 
doing so,~ he trusted that it must be the wish of every 
gentleman, that they should proceed in the manner 
the best calculated to give general satisfaction, and 
the most likely to secure the approbation of the people, 
which, he had the happiness to know, had generally 
attended every step which they had hitherto taken. 
He sincerely wished that every measure which he 
should have the honour to propose, might be fully dis- 
cussed, and fairly decided upon ; that the nature of 
the case, the general principles on which they ought 
to proceed, and the application of those principles, 
might be clearly and distinctly pointed out. In so 
doing they would be best enabled to meet the emer- 
gency which called upon them, and to provide for the 
defect of the personal exercise of the royal authority. 

" The business of the committee lay in a ver)? narrow 
compass, notwithstanding the voluminous reports on 
the table. In the report last delivered, there was 
abundant matter of confirmation to him of the pro- 
priety and prudence of those measures which he was, 
as the committee were aware, prepared to have pro- 
posed to them nearly ten days ago. But, though there 
was much material information in that report, there 
was no difierence, in his opinion, in the ground of 
what he had to offer, as, oa the former day,- as well; as 



tlB LIFE OF THE LATE 

on the present, the committee had more informalion 
before them than was sufficient to bear out all that he 
would submit to their consideration. Had he, on the 
former day, felt it necessary to state the ground on 
which he intended to have built his proceedings, he 
would have stated it thus, *^ That his Majesty was in- 
capable of meeting his parliament, or attending to 
public business; that the unanimous opinion of his 
physicians was, that his Majesty's recovery was more 
probable than the contrary, and that all the physicians 
agreed that it was impossible to ascertain when the so 
much wished for event might take place : but that 
those, who were more immediately conversant with 
the disorder with which his Majesty was afflicted, had 
declared that the majority were cured ; and that one 
of the physicians, the most conversant of any, had 
stated, that the greatest length of time he had ever 
known the disorder to continue was a year and a half, 
or two years, that the shortest was three montlis, and 
the average five or six months." In saying even that, 
he would have said more than was necessary for any 
argument on the principle on which he went. What 
they had to provide for, therefore, was no more than 
an interval, and he flattered himself that it would 
prove but a short interval. If, however, unfortunately, 
fiis Majesty^s illness should be protracted, they miglit 
leave it to parliament to do what was at present clearly 
unnecessary — to consider of a more permanent plan of 
government. l( they regarded the disorder not in it- 
seH* incnri^le, every man must admit that the provi- 
sions oughit not to be per^nanent. Mr. Pitt now reca- 
pitulated what had passed concerning the subject upon 
the Tuesday se'wnight, and tl>e lln^ af argument that 



WILLIAM PITT. 2l7 

bad been adopted, which rendered it impossible for him 
to avoid giving wa}^ to a more narrow and iilinute en- 
quir}' than had before taken place; and, however he might 
feel pain on account of some particular paints which had 
passed in the committee, he could not, upon the whole, 
but rejoice that he had given wa}-, as it now appeared, 
that the argument on which tlife right honourable gen- 
tleman had relied, viz. that, because a month had 
elapsed since tlie former enquiry, his Majestj^'s care 
was to be considered as the more improbable, ~ was not 
grounded ; and as, however, much they disagreed in 
other points, they were unanimous that the probability 
of the cure rested precisely an the same grounds as 
before; — a circumstance which he was persuaded,, 
would give as much pleasure- to the right honourable 
gentleman as it had done to himself. 

*' With regard to tiie difference of opinion betw^een the 
physicians, as to the prospect of a recovery, it appeared 
to him to depend on two circumstances, by whicL it 
could be decided en whose opinion the greatest reli- 
ance ought to be placed. The first circumstance was- 
the knowledge of the malady in general ; and the se- 
cond the knowledge of the particular case of the pa- 
tient. Three of his iNlajesty's physicians had been 
conversant with the m»alady. Tv.o others, though not 
so conversant, were well acquainted with his Majesty's 
habits. These two, (Sir George Baker and Dr, War- 
ren) attended his Majesty for two hours each day; the 
three others from the evening until eleven in the fore- 
noon. Surely it was natural for those who attended 
his Majesty most, to be the best judges of his silua- 
lion ; and it was remarkable that Dr. ^Varren and Sif 
George Baker were the least confident of a cure, and 

NO. IT* T 



218 LIFE OF THE LATE 

the other doctors had much greater hopes; but Dr. 
Willis, who attended his Majesty more than any of 
the others, was more sanguine than them all. Sir 
Lucas Pepys stated circumstances which did not amount 
to a certainty, of a cure, but which proved an abate- 
ment of his Majesty's disorder. Dr. Willis was of 
opinion that all the symptoms since the time o^ the 
last examination, were more favourable. In a word, 
all the physicians agreed in the probability^of his Ma- 
jesty's recovery, and that the length of the time made 
no unfavourable change; those, too, who understood 
the disorder best, thought it more favourable. 

*' For his own part, he wished not to go at length into 
the particulars of the last report, on which the com- 
mittee might safely rely, as there were those on the 
committee who were anxious to report, with the most 
scrupulous accuracy, every point likely to prove his 
Majesty's recovery. There had been (hose who gave 
no considerable degree of credit to Dr. Willis ; if, 
therefore, any observations should aribe from them, he 
conceived they would be made in the same spirit, and 
with the same ability, as when they were urged in the 
committee above stairs. Upon this occasion, he felt 
it but connnon justice to commend the skill, integrity, 
and good sense of Dr. Willis, which w<ere evinced un- 
der a severe cross-examination, calculated to puzzle 
simplicity, and leave the coohiess which should, of 
necessity, accompany the delivery of evidence, too 
unguarded. However it might suit with the political 
intrigues of the times, or be convenient to circulate 
them at present in London and its environs, he would 
not anticipate the remarks which had been m^de ; but, 
if there were any such remarks to be advanced, he de- 



WILLIAM PITT* 219 

slYed, if they chose to discuss the credit of either this 
or that physician, that they might understand the na- 
ture of ihe imputation. In the course of the enquiry 
above stairs, circumstances had come out, over vvhich 
he would not draw a veil of dehcacy, as he was not 
ashamed to bring it forward. If it be stated to the 
discredit of any ph3^sician, that he had submitted to 
be unduly influenced by a great personage, let tiie 
Committee know to what physician the imputation of 
having consented to givu an untrue account of the 
state of his Majesty's health applied : if an impropriety 
of transaction like that was imputed, iie would not 
believe it till it was distincly ventured to be said, and 
when he used the term venture^ he did not mean to use 
it with regard to the exalted station of the person in 
question, but with regard to the transaction itself; 
nor did he (he repeated it) believe that any man would 
renture to charge blame of any kind on the respect- 
able personage in question, who had lived for ahxiOSt 
thirty years in this country without traduction, a pat- 
tern of the most unexampled affection, domestic ten- 
derness, and virtue ; against whom the breath of ca- 
lumny had not dared to send forth even a whisper ; 
and who could not merit it at a moment, when visited 
by a calamity vrhich rarely befals a private person, 
but which surely was not a little aggravated uhen it 
becomes tlie lot of the family of a person in so exa.lted 
a rank as the sovereign of the country. As to the 
fact itself, it appeared that Dr. Warren allowed that 
apparent circunistances of an am.endment began to 
appear; and there was, in consequence, a wish on 
the part of her Majesty tl-at the report might be such 
as should give the public the most favourable account 
T 2 



22a LIFE OF THJE LATE 

of his Majest/s health ; but would any man prov« 
that any undue influence had been used for that pur* 
purpose? Mr. Pitt explained in what manner the 
v/ords a a comfortable icay, had been introduced iuto 
the report, and then spoke of Dr. WilUs, declaring 
that he was known in the country where he hved, by 
his character, and by the happiness which he had 
heen the means of giving to the numerous families wIk) 
were bound to bless him for the good effects of hi* 
skill. He mentioned another physician, whose cha- 
racter was likewise high, but declared that, if be 
vrished to draw a true conclusion of his Majesty's state 
of health and prospect of recovery, he would wish to 
^ravv ii from Dr. Willis more than any other man.^' 

At length Mr. Pitt adverted to the situation foi 
which they were to provide, and ^* this situation was no 
Jess than the cessation of the personal exercise of th# 
royal authority ; a deficiency for which no previous 
provision had been made. As the cause of this defi-* 
ciency, he had every reason to think, w^ould prove 
but temporary, they must deliberately consider what 
were the cases for which they were to apply a reme- 
dy. The first object for which they had to provitje 
was to secure the establishment of a government in 
the country, equal to its safety and the dispatch of 
public business. Out of the nature of such a provision, 
another duty arose, of equal importance to the other; 
and this was to take care that the measure embraced 
did not go beyond the necessity. The committee were 
to provide powers for the exercise of the government, 
and they must take care to place those powers in pre* 
per hands; but, above all things, to recollect, timt 
tjhey were not placing a kin^ on the throne. They 



WILLIAM PITT. 221 

v.^ere to remember that the throne was fall, that no 
right any where existed to exercise the royal autho- 
rity, but that which was conferred by that house; they 
were to lake care to provide against any embarras- 
ment in the resumption of the regal authority, wlien- 
ever God in his providence should permit the rightful 
holder again to exercise it. They were to provide 
only for the necessity of the case, and not to exceed 
it ; and therefore the measures which he should pro- 
pose, would be to invest his royal highness the Prince 
of Wales with the whole royal authority, to be exer- 
cised in the name, and on the beiialfof his Majesty, 
under such limitations and restrictions on!y as should 
be provided. The principle was not new, aUhcugh 
the circumstances cf the case happened to be unpre- 
cedented. No man would say that the same power 
which the principal exercised, ought to be given to 
the delegate ; and if the house referred to precedents, 
they would fmd that no one instance could be met 
with of the wiiole of the royal prerogatives having 
been so delegated. On the contrary, every precedent 
which bore the smallest analogy to the present situa- 
tion, evinced the direct contrary, and that, doubt- 
less, with a view to facilitate and ensure the rcsigna.- 
tion of the delegate, when the principal would be com- 
petent to exercise or to resume his authority. Refer- 
ring them to the' act of queen Anne, (the act of suc- 
cession) the regency act of George the Second, and the 
regency act of the present king, Mr. Pitt added, let 
them look at the case of a sovereign disabled by in- 
fancy. Was the regent of the country invested with 
full and unlimited power to exercise the royal autho- 
ity ? Undoubtedly not. In the three regency bills m 
T 3 



£22 LIFE CF THE LAt£ 

the statute books to which he adverted, were there* 
not limitations ? There v^ere in every one. All the 
powers mTghfc begiven^ but then they were not given to 
one person. What was the principle m a case of mim^- 
rity? It was thought unsafe to vest all the powers m 
one person, lie laid particular stress on the regency 
bill of George the Second, and observed, that there 
appeared at that time to have been a wish on^ both 
^des of the house, to doubt what confidence should be 
placed in the regent. They were afraid of making a 
precedent, and there^fore they gave the ro}^al }i)Owers 
among mau}^, appointing a council, without wh^ose 
consent the regent could take no important step what- 
ever. The will of the predecessor was, by one of the 
bills, to be the system followed while the heir appa- 
rent' continued a minor;— a principle which he owned 
he thought went too far, althotigh it was a plausible 
principle, and was a'pptcrently mostJ »ppli<^a^le to tJie 
>reseHt case. After reasoning en the three different 
fj^eGedetit'S, and touching upon theKhort prptectoratti 
<f>f- Riehard t^e Third;, and the other protGctorates or 
gosardianship-s in- tlie earlier periods ot^ our history, 
^«d> endeavcuriisg to demonstrate by argument, th*jt' 
^^,. ia no preceding instance, ail the powers oi royalty 
i^ere given to oae person, so, in the present instance, 
^hicil CGrt^aialy d-iffered ftK)st essentially, they ough^ 
not to be, nor could they be, trusted in the hand3 q£ 
one person, without proving a hazardous, and, pos- 
i&ibly a prejudicial experimeBJi; he declared that he 
woiild give his vote for investing the regent with all the 
powers which are necessary, but would not agree to 
give any which were not requisite to carry on the go- 
\emmenioi the counuy with energy and efifect/' 
6 



WILLIAM PITT. 223 

INIr. Pitt now observed, ^' that he need Hot troubk 
the hoyse with his iirst resolution, as be had already 
stated its^ substance and effect. The second resolution, 
(which he read,) was to restrain the regent from exer- 
cising one branch of the prerogative peculiarly inhe- 
rent in the crown, and this was the power of granting 
peerages, excepting to his Majesty's softs, being twenty- 
one years of age. This restriction he thought neces- 
sary, as the regent ought not to confer any grant which 
might produce difficulties and embarrassments, when 
tlie happy hour of his Majesty's restoration to his 
health should arrive. The object of investing the 
crown with the power of creating peers, was to enable 
the sovereign to distribute rewards to eminent merit, 
and to give the crown the means of choosing persons 
who should add to the number of one of the branches 
ef the legislature. The creation of peers was one of 
those powers which belonged personally to the king. 
When he made this assertion, he scarcely meant to 
inculcate that it was the individual right of the king te 
create peers, but that it was an especial prerogative of 
the crown. He enumerated the grounds on which Im 
conceived that the crown might exercise the privilege 
of making peers, and described what he regarded as 
the inconveniences which might follow from the regent 
having the power to make peers, contending it was 
possible that the consequence of the House of Lords 
might be lost, the system of the country overturned, 
and the government end in a pure monarchy, an aris- 
tocracy, an oligarchy, or some resource equally distant- 
from our present constitution. He desired, it he hil^d 
to enumerate any particulars connected with any part 
of the subject^r to htive them pointed out to him. He 



224v LIFE OF THE LATE 

reasoned upon the sort of effect, which, as he supposed, 
might arise from depriving the regent of the power of 
creating peers, merely for a time, observing, that surely 
it would not be contended, that for want of such an 
incentive for a few months, the country was likely to 
be deprived of tlie service of men of merit. If his 
Majesty recovered, as they all hoped, and had reason 
to expect he would, the power of creating peers might 
be exercised by the lightful holder of the prerogative; 
but if, unfortunately, his INlajesty should grow worse, 
and be pronounced not likely to recover for a long 
time, parliament would have it in its power to take off 
the restriction, and vest the regent with a power, 
which, though not at present, he was ready to admit, 
might in time become necessary to the carrying on of 
a powerful government. Me mentioned the fluctuation 
of wealth and property in the country, and the pro- 
priety of occasionally raising monied men to the 
peerage, in order to give the landed interest its fair 
balance and share of the honours in the power of the 
crown to bestow. He alluded also to the sort of hands 
into which the conduct of public affairs was likely to 
fall, and said, that unless they had reason to expect a 
desperate confederacy and cabal to obstruct the pubHe 
measures, he saw no sort of inconvenience which could 
result from a temporary withholding from the regent 
the power of making peers ; he urged the possibility of 
such another confederacy and cabal forming, (as had 
been convicted of a design to overthrow the constitu- 
tion a few years since,) who might give the regetit ad- 
vice which the crown would probably have rejected, 
and such a number of peers might be created, as 
mi^ht considerably embarrass the crown in carrying 



WILLIAM PITT. 225 

oil the government when his Majesty should be re- 
stored to his health. For his own part, he meant to 
make no professions, but he desired that what he was 
going to say might be considered as the test of his 
future conduct : and, he declared, that he should not 
be found an opposer of the just, and wise measures of 
the new government, which would remain to be dis- 
cussed hereafter. He uiged other arguinents in the 
attempt to prove, that the withholding of the power of 
making peers for a time, was what they owed to the 
real interests of the country and the true sovereign; 
that it could not become prejudicial to the regent^'s 
government ; and if it should threaten to grov; detri- 
mental, they would have the remedy in their owa 
hands; — a principle which was coupled wiih that of 
doing nothing beyond the real necessity of the case. 
At the first view, the principles which he had laid 
down might be supposed not to confine themselves 
merely to one branch of the legiRl«turfi; and it ^ould 
be contended, that, as the present House of Commons 
had proved themselves so loyal to the sovereign, and 
attentive to the interests of his people, bis ^lajesty 
would be happy to receive the congratulations of the 
same House of Commons on his recovery ; but a little 
more consideration would shew, that this would per- 
haps be. reserving from the people an opportunity of 
shewing their sense of the conduct of their representa^ 
tives; and no danger could accrue to the sovereign ia 
sending them back to their constituents, if the regent 
should deem it wii^? or prudent to adopt the measure, 
especially to a people Vv^hose loyalty had been 5o con- 
spicuously manifested by the general and hearfelt sor- 



226 LIFE OF THE LATE 

row expressed throughout the kiugdoni, in consequence 
of his Majesty's nieldncholy situation and ilhiess/' 

He now read the third resolution, which was a re- 
striction preventing the regent from allowing any 
grant, patent, place, reversion, or annuity for life, 
excepting in particular, unavoidable cases, such as to 
judges and others. As this resolution ran so much 
upon the principle of the preceding one, Mr. Pitt said 
it was unnecessary for him to go into farther explana- 
tion of it. The fourth retolution restrained the regent 
from exercising any power over tiie personal property 
of the king. Mr. Pitt on this occasion observed, that 
'* he scarcely thought it necessary to pass this resolution, 
as it was not probable that his royal highness would 
interfere with his Majv^sty's personal property in his 
life time; but, as they werefictiog upon parliamentary 
principles, be thought it his duty to submit it to the 
committee. The last resolution would be for entrust- 
ing the care of the royal person, during his Majesty's 
ilhiess, where of course all men would be unanimous 
in agreeing that the royal person ought to be placed, 
in the guardianship of the queen; and with this tn45t, 
his intention was, to propose to put the whole of his 
Majesty's household under the authority of her Ma- 
jesty, invesing her with full powers to dismiss and 
ap^joint, as she should think proper. Without being 
invested with this control, lie imagined that the queen 
could not discharge the important trust committed to 
her care. lie spoke of the officers of high rank in the 
household, who, though tlieir pkces might justly draw 
forth the ambiiion of men of the liist rank and family 
in the kingdom, were, neveithelcss, only the lirst me. 



WILLIAM PITT.. 22/ 

iiial servants of his INIajesty, and actually necessary to 
direct and superintend the greater part of bis Majesty's 
household. He stated that these oiiices, such as the 
master of the horse, lord chamberlain, lord steward, 
and others, were, by many, thought high offices of 
state; but the fact was otherwise, they were the menial 
servants of the crown, and essential to its dignity and 
splendor. He argued against new modelling the royal 
household, under the present circumstances, and spoke 
of the anxiety and pain which he conceived it- must 
give his Majesty, to find ull those whom he had chosen 
to be about his royal person discharged. Possibly, 
his Majesty's illness might continue but a few months, 
perhaps a few weeks ; and, in such a situation, would 
it, he asked, be delicate and respectful to make a 
change ? Those v»'ho were lords of the bed-chamber, 
he admitted, did no great duty at present, but the 
equeries were employed. He owned, that this part of 
the arrangement was a matter of some difiiculty ; but 
when he considered uliat his jNlajesty would feel, when 
he waked from his trance of reason, and asked for ihose 
attendants, and was told that his subjects had taken 
advantage of his m.omentary absence of mind, and 
changed them, he flattered hmiself that no gentleman 
would object to such a mark of attention being paid to 
his Majesty. The regent, indeed, w^as different from 
the king; but, at the same time, the regent ought to 
have a retinue adequate to the importance and high 
rank of his station; and he meant to propose that he 
should have such a retinue as would unquestionably 
be some increase of expense to the country ; but, as it 
was unavoidably necessary to appoint a regent, it was 
equally necessary to maintain the dignity of the cha- 



2£8 LIFE OF THE LATE 

racter, and gentlemen would not, he conceived, grudge 
a little expense on such an occasion. He recurred 
again to the power to be lodged in the hands of the 
queen, and urged the necessity of considering the rank 
of the king, the rank of the Prince of Wales, and the 
rank of the queen, who was consort of the sovereign, 
and mother of the regent. It was not to be supposed, 
therefore, that the influence arising from the patronage 
holden by the queen, would operate to the detriment 
of the regent's government ; and, surely, to conceive 
as much, would be equally indecent and improper.*' 

Mr. Pitt concluded with moving, *' that it is the 
opinion of the committee, that, for the purpose of 
providing for the exercise of the King's royal author- 
ity, during the continuance of his Majesty^s illness, 
in such manner, and to such extent, as the present 
circumstances of the urgent concerns of the nation 
appear to require, it is expedient that his royal high- 
ness the Prince of Wales, being resident within the 
reahiij shall be empowered to exercise and administer 
the royal authority, according to the laws and consti- 
tution of Great Britain, in the name and on the 
behalf of his Majesty, under the style and title of 
Regent of the Kingdom, and to use, execute, and per- 
form, in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, 
all authority, prerogatives, acts of government, and 
administration of the same, which belong to the king 
of the realm, to use, execute, and perform, according 
to the law thereof, subject to such limitations and ex- 
ceptions as shall be provided." 

Any farther discussion of this delicate question was 
however anticipated by the mo^t agreeable news of -the 
recovery of his Majesty, 



WILLIAM PITT. 229 

Qn it Mr. Pitt's opinions have been given thus ruHy* 
because they tend to shew better than any document, 
relating to any other occurrence in his administration, 
his views of the British constitution. 

War however threatened in various instances to en- 
gage his attention more importantly during the re- 
mainderof this year. Nootka Sound became an object 
of contention with Spain, and the Turkish poiitics of 
Ilussia excited a temporary dispute rehuing to -the 
fortress of Oczakow. These wt?re soon terniinated, 
tmd Mr. Pitt was left to prosecute his career with pa- 
cific glory. 

But we must prepare for that great event whicli 
formed the most important period of that career, as it 
did an aera in the principles of modern policy, and ihe 
constitution of every government in the world. 

This was the French revolutiv)ri, that parent of 
change in almost all the political systems of mankind ; 
which, beginning in the internal regulations of a dis- 
tracted kingdom, extended its principles throughout 
Europe, and almost throughout the world. 

Of an event so familiar it is needless to penetrate 
the origin, or recite the progress. From discussing 
maxims of office, and systems of finance, they referred 
to the first principles of Government, and finding it 
more easy to overturn tlian amend, destroyed all the 
constitutions of society. 

This mania also spread through other countries, and 
mankind was called to arms, not to protect a frontier, 
or to punish a national insult, but to defend the 
means by which society is held together, against the 
inroads of a baneful spirit that, ccnciliatiag the pre- 
judices of -the majority in numbers, threatened to 

NO. 17. u 



230 LIFE. OFTJIE LATE 

create universal anarchy, and in consequence universal 
misery. 

It was now that Mr. Pitt stood forward, of himself 
an host, to protect from this insidious warfare a coun^ 
try to which Neptnne had afforded a sufficient barrier 
against every other kind of hostility. Nor injustice 
to those coadjutors, without whose aid his task must 
have been even yet more difficult, must it be forgot- 
ten, that several of the most powerful members of the 
opposition, among whom were the Duke of Portland, 
Earl Fitzwilliam, and above all the great and excel- 
lent Edmund Burke, no sooner discerned the signs of 
the times which were about to ensue, than they 
quitted the connectious with which they had formerly 
acted, to rally round the throne.* 



* One of these was tl)8 following distinguished person, of 
whom some mention may be agreeable. — Lord INLnito, (Sir Gilbert 
Elliot) who was born in 17nl, is descended from the ancient fa- 
mily of Elliot, in the shire of Roxburgh, in Scotland. Of his fa- 
ther, even Wilkes, who attacked him, could say nothing worse 
than that he was a Scotsman in place. With a domestic educa- 
tion, he was early placed in the army, in which he is said to have 
borne the rtink of captain at ten years old. In 1774. he became a 
member of the British house of commons; where, following the 
opinions of his father, he became one of the " king's friends" 
in the arduous contests of. that day. He, however, joined the 
pari-V of Mr. Fox during (he Tlf^ckingham administration, and,* 
sharing its fate, continued in the ranks of opposition till the a?ra 
of the French revolution. His first employruent was to accept 
the submission of the Corsicans, being nominated as commissioner 
for that parpose in the ctutnmn of 17 93 ; and in 1794, he assumed 
the government as viceroy. In 1796, however, lie could no lon- 
ger preserve the British dominion, and therefore returned to 
England ; when he was raised to the dignity of a British peer 



-a 



V -m 




# 



/ -H^ 



1, OWD ZEXX) 0~N, 



WILLIAM PITT. 231 

The consequence of that early precaution with 
which Mr. Pitt marked the progress of this fatal revo* 
iutioD, was the salvation of his country; while the 
effect of the timely urnon of such men from such pa- 
triotic and sober motives, produced in all ranks that 
uational spirit which withstood the attempts made to 
Seduce and destroy them. 

Yet not desirous, though ready for war, Mr. Pitt 
<3id not provoke animosity between the two countries, 
liotvvithstanding the indiscreet zeal with which its go- 



with the arms of Corsica, as a mark of satisfaction for his services. 
In 1799 his lordship was appointed ambassador, to Vienna, and 
exhibited all the powers of diplomacy though without avail. In 
1800 he advocated the cause of the union with considerable abi- 
lity, but remained out of office from the peace of Amiens. His 
lordship is elegant and intelligent, fond of rural life, and is, it is 
believed, the patron of the sweet muse of Hope, the young and' 
amiable Campbell. 

Earl Fitzwilliam, nephew of the great Marquis of Kockinghani, 
was born ] 753, and succeeded to his title iu 1766. He. was bred 
at Eton, with Mr. Fox, Lord Carlisle, 5cc. and afterwards went 
to Oxford. He married the Lady Charlotte Ponsonby, sister of 
the Earl of Besborough, and was connected with ail the great 
whig families. On the question of tli^ Frencli revolution, bow- 
ever, his lordship separaud irom his ov/u friends, while he could 
not be said, absolutely, to join the opposite party. Possessed of 
considerable estates in Ireland, at the commenceraeut of new 
distractions in that country, Earl Fitzwilliam was seht there as 
viceroy; but his governiiiciit being too popular, he was suddenly 
recalled, after several successful arrangements.. On his return his 
lordship held his former unique course. In 1798, he succeeded 
the Duke of Norfolk as lord-lieiitenant of the West Riding of 
Yorkshire, and colonel of its militia, Tn this, as in his former 
employment. Earl Fitzwilliam became extremely popular, and he 
gtiii contmuea the practice of many humane virtues, 
u 2 



232 



LIFE OF THE LAT£ 



Yernrxient bad cultivated an intercourse of a very iti- 
flauim-atory tendency with persons in England already 
distinguished for a restless and ungovernable dispo- 
sition. 

It was not, however, till the unhappy terniination 
bf the monarchical character 'm France that England 
became at war with the French republic. The same 
step which commenced the annunciation of hostilities,- 
giving an opportunity for a luminous developement of 
his principleson the part of Mr. Pitt, is the next ob-* 
ject of our attention^ as follows: 

On the 1 2th of February, the following iriessage 
from his iMajestj on the subject was delivered to par- 
liament* 

'' GEORGE R, 

** His Majesty thinks proper to acquaint the house 
t>f commoiis, that the assenibiy now executing the 
powers of government in France, have, without pre- 
vious notice, directed acts of hostility to be committed 
against the persons and property of his Majesty's sub- 
jects, in breach of the law of nations, and of the most 
pnsiiive stipulations of treaty, and have since, on the 
inc stgroundless pretences, r.ctually declared war against 
his Majesty and the United Provinces. Dnder the 
circumstances of this wanton and unprovoked aggres- 
sion, his iVI ajesty has taken the necessary steps to 
maintain the honour of his crown, and to vindicate the 
rights of his people; and his Majesty relies with con- 
fidence on tlie firm and tflectual support of the house 
t)f commons, and cm the ztalous exertions of a brave 
and loyal people, in prosecuting a just and necessary 
war, and in endeavouiing, under the blessing of Pro- 



WILLIAM prTT. 2S3 

Tidence, to oppose an efFectaal barrier to the farther 
progress of a system which strikes at the security and 
peace of all independent nations, and is pursued in 
open defiance of every principle of moderation, gocd 
faith, humanity and justice. - ' 

** In a cause of such general concern, his Majesty 
lias every reason to hope for the cordial co-operation 
of those powers who are united with liis Majesty by the 
ties of alliance, or who feel an ittterest in preventing 
the extension of anarchy and confusion, and in con- 
tributing to the security and tranquillity of Europe. 

*' G. R/' 

As soon as the message was read, Mr. Pitt rose and 
observed, " that in proposixig to the house an address in 
answer to his Majesty's message, he did not conceive 
thai there could be any necessity, in the present in- 
stance, at least in one view of the subject for troubhng 
them at large. Whatever diftereiK-e of opinion might 
formerly have existed with respect to subjects, on 
vhich, however, the great niujority both of that house 
and the nation had coincided m sentiment, whatever 
doubts might be entertained as to the interest, which 
this country had in the recent transactions on the con- 
tinent, v^'batever question might be made of the mode 
of conduct which had been pursued by government, 
lyhich la'.ely had not been carried so far as to produce 
even a division; yet when the siluaiion in winch we 
HOW stood was considered, vvheii those circumstances 
which had occurred to pioduce an alteration in the 
state, of atl'au-s since the last address, were taken into 
the account, he couhl not doubt but that there would 
fee one unanimous sentiment and voice expressed ou 
V 3 



234 LIFE OF thp: late 

the present occasion. Tlie question now was, not 
whit degree of danger we should find it necessary to 
repel, from a regard to our safety, or from a sense of 
honour; it was, not whether we should adopt in our 
measures a S3 stem of promptitude and vigour, or of 
lameness and procrastination; whether we should sa- 
crifice every other consideration to the continuance of 
an uncertain aud insecure peace — When war was de- 
clared, and the event no longer in our option, it re- 
mained only to be considered, wliether we should 
prepare to meet it with a firm determination, and sup- 
port his M.ijesty's governtxient with zeal and courage 
against every attack. War now was not only declared, 
but carried on at our very doors; a war which aimed 
at an object no less destructive than the total ruin of 
the freedoa) and mdependance of this country. In this- 
situation of atiairs, he would not do so much injustice^ 
to the members of that house, whatever differences of 
opinion might formerly have existed, as to suppose 
that there could be any but one decision, one fixed re- 
solution, in this so urgent necessity, in this imminent- 
and common danger, by the ardor and firmness of their 
support, to testify their loyalty to their sovereign^ 
their attachment to the constitution, and their sense 
of thote inestimable blessings which they had so long 
enjoyed under its influence. Confident, however, as he 
was, that such would be their unanimous decision, 
that such would be their determined and unalterable 
resolution, he should not consider it as altogether use- 
less to take a view of the situation of the country at the 
time of his Majesty's la^^t message, of the circum- 
stances which had preceded and accompanied it, and 
3 



WILLIAM PITT* 235 

of the situation in which we now stood, in conse- 
quence of what had occurred during that interval. 

*' When his Majesty, by his message, informed them, 
that in the present situation of affairs, he considered 
it indispensably necessary to make a farther augmen- 
tation of his forces, they had cheerfully concurred in 
that object, and returned in answer^ what was then 
the feeling of the house, the expression of their affec- 
tion and zeal, and their readuiess to support his Ma- 
jesty in those purposes, fur which he had stated an 
augmentation of force necessary. They saw the jus- 
tice of the alarm which was then entertained, and the 
propriety of affording that support wliich was required^r 
He should shortly state the grounds upon which they 
had then given their concurrence. They considered 
that whatever temptations might have existed to this 
country from ancient enmity and rivalship, paltry mo- 
tives indeed ! or whatever opportunity might have 
been afforded by the tumultuous and distracted state 
of France, or whatever sentiments might be excited 
by the transactions which had taken place in that na- 
tion, his Majesty had uniformly abstained from all 
interference in its internal government, and had main- 
tained, with respect to it, on every occasion, the 
strictest and most inviolable neutrality. 

" Such being his conduct towards France, he had a 
right to expect on their part a suitable return ; more 
especially as this return had been expressly condi- 
tioned for by a compact, into which they entered, and 
by which they engaged to repect the rights of his Ma- 
jesty and his allies, not to interfere in the government 
of any neutral country, and not to pursue any systeiis 
©f aggrandizement, or make any addition to their do- 



^S6 LIFE OF THE LATE 

minions, but to confine themselves, at the conclusion 
of the war, within their own territories. These con- 
ditions they had all grossly violated, and had adopted 
a system of ambitious and destructive policy, fatal to 
the peace and securit}' of every government, and which 
in its consequences had shaken Europe itself to its 
foundation. Their decree of the }9^h of November, 
which had been so much talked of, offering fraternity 
and affiance to all people who wish to recover their 
liberty, was a decree, not levelled against particular 
nations, but against every coimtry where there was 
any form of government established ; a decree not 
liostile to individuals but to the human race; which 
-was calculated every where to sow the seeds of rebeU 
lion and civil and contention, and to spread war from 
one end of Europe to the other. While they were 
bound to this* country by ihe engagements which he 
had mentioned, they had shewed no intention to 
exempt it from the consequences of this decree. Nay, 
a directly contrary o})inion might be formed, and it 
might be supposed that this country was more parti- 
cularly aimed at by this very decree, if we were to 
judge from the exultation with which they had received 
from different societies in England every address ex- 
pressive of sedition and disloyalty, and from the eager 
desire which they had testiried to encourage and che- 
rish the growth of such sentiments. Not only had 
they shewed no inclination to fulfil their engagements, 
but had even put it out of their own power, by takmg 
the first opportunity to make additions to their terri- 
tory in contradiction to their own express stipulations* 
By express resolutions for the destruction of the exist- 
ing governments oi all invaded countries, by the 



WILLIAM PITT. ^37 

hieans of Jacobin societies, by orders given to tbeir 
generals,^ by the whole system adopted in this respect 
by the national assembly, and by the actual connec- 
tion of the whole country of Savoy, they had marked 
their determination to add to the dominions of France, 
and to provide means, through the medmm of every 
new conquest, to carry their principles over Europe, 
Their conduct whs such, as in every instance had mili- 
tated against the dearest and most valuable interests 
of this country. 

*' The next consideration was, that under all the pro- 
vocations which had been sustained from France, pro- 
vocations which, in ordinary times, and in different 
■circuiiistances, could not have failed to have been re- 
garded as acts of hostility, and which formerly, not 
even a delay of twenty-four hours would have been 
wanting to have been treated as such, by commencing 
an immediate war of retaliation, his Majesty s minis- 
ters had prudently and temperately advised ail the 
means to be previously employed of obtaining reason- 
able satisfauiion, before recourse should be had to 
extremities. Means had been takeu to inform their 
agents, even though not accredited, of the grouPids of 
jealousy and complaint on the part of this country, and 
an opportunity had been otiered through them of bring' 
ing forward any cu'cu instances of explduation, or offer- 
ing any terms of satisfaction. M hether the facts and 
explanations which these agents had brought forward 
were such as contained any proper satiifactiou for the 
past, or could airord any reasonable asscra«jce with 
respect to the future, every niember might judge 
from the mspection of the papers. lie had already 
given it as his opinion, that if there was no other aU, 



.238 LIFE OF Tlli: LATE 

ternative than either to make war or depart from our 
principles, rather than recede from our principles, a 
%var was preferable to a peace; because a peace pur- 
chased upon such terms, must be uncertain, preca- 
rious, and liable to be continually interrupted by the 
repetition of fresh injuries and insults. War was pre- 
ferable to such a peace, because it was a shorter and 
a surer war to that end which the house liad undoubt- 
edly m view as its ultimate object — a secure and last- 
ing peace. What sort of peace must that be in which 
there was no security ? Peace he regarded as desirable 
only so far as it was secure. If, said Mr, Pitt, yoti 
€iitertain a sense of the many blessings which you en- 
joy, if you value the continuance and safety of th^Tt 
Commerce which is a source of so much opulence, if 
you wish to preserve and render permanent that high 
state of prosperity, by which this country has for some 
years past been so emirienily distinguished, you ha- 
zard all thes« advantages mo»e, and are more likely 
to forfeit tliem, by submitting to a precarious and dis- 
graceful peace, than by a tiuiely and vigorous inter- 
position of your arms, — By lameness and delay you 
suffer that evil which might now be checked, to gain 
ground, and which, when it becomes indispensable to 
oppose, may perhaps be found irresistible, 

** It had on former debates been alleged, that by go- 
ing to war we expose our commerce. Is there, he 
would ask, any man so blind and irrational, wlio does 
not know that the inevitable consequence of every war 
must be an inte^ ruption and injury to commerce ? But 
because our commerce was exposed to sufler was that 
a reason why we should never go to war ? Was there 
no combination of circumstances, was there no situa- 



^VILLIAM PITT. 239 

tion in the affairs of Europe, such as to render it expe- 
dient to hazard for a time, a part of our comnfiercial 
interests ? Was there no evil greater, and which a war 
might be necessary to avoid, than the partial inconve- 
nience to which our commerce was subjected, during 
the continuance of hostile operations ? But he begged 
pardon of the house for the digression into which he 
had been led — while he talked as if they were debating 
about the expediency of a war, ^war was actually de- 
clared : we were at this moment engaged in a war. 

** He now came to state what had occurred since his 
Majesty's last message; and to notice those grounds 
which bad served as a pretext for the declaration of 
war. When his Majesty had dismissed M. Chauvelin, 
what were then tiie hopes of peace ? He was by no 
means sanguine in such hopes, and he had stated to the 
house that he then saw but little probability that a war 
could be avoided. Such then was his sentiment, be- 
cause the explanations and conduct of the French 
agent were such as afforded him but little room to ex- 
pect any terms which this country could, either con^ 
sistently with honour, or a regard to its safety, accept. 
Stdl, however, the last moment had been kept open to 
receive any satisfactory explanation which migl^t be 
otFered. But what it might be asked, was to be the 
mode of receiving such explanation ? When his Ma- 
jesty had dismissed M. Chauvelin, as, by the melan- 
choly catastrophe of the French monarch, the only 
character in which he had ever been acknowledged at 
the British court had entirely ceased, eight days had 
been allowed him for his di^parture, and if during that 
period he had sent any more satisfactory explanation, 
still it would have becnueceived. Had any disposi- 



240 LIFE O.F THE LATE 

tion been testified to comply with the requisitions of 
Lord Grenville, still an opportunity was alTorded of 
intimating this disposition. Thus had our government 
pursued to the last a conciliatory system, and left 
every opening for accommodation, had the French been 
disposed to embrace it. M. Chauvelin, however, iu- 
sstantly quitted the country, without making any pro- 
position. Another agent had succeeded ; (M. Marat) 
who, on his arrival in this country, had notified him- 
self as the charge-d'affaires on the part of the French 
Kepublic, but had never, during his residence in the 
kingdom, afforded the smallest comimunication, 

'' What was the next event that had succeeded ? An 
embargo was laid on all the vessels and persons of his 
Majesty's subjects who were then in France. This 
euibargo was to be considered as not only a symptom, 
but as an act of hostility. It certainly had taken place 
without any notice bein^ given, contrary to treaty and 
against all the laws of nations. Here, perhaps, it 
might be said, that on account of their, s.topping cer- 
tain ships loaded with corn for France, the govern- 
ment of Great Britain might be under the same charge; 
to this point he should come presently. He believed 
if government were chargeable w^ith any thing, it might 
rather be, that they were even too slow in their assert- 
ing the honour and vindicating the rights of this coun- 
try. If he thought that his Majesty's ministers want- 
ed any justification, it would be for their forbearance 
and not for their promptitude, since t0 the last moment 
they had testified a disposition to receive terms of ac- 
commodation, and left open the mean^ of explanation. 
Notwithstanding this violent and outrageous act, such 
was the disposition to peace in his Majesty's ministers, 



WILLIAM I*ITT, 241 

that the channels of communicaUon, even after this 
period, were not shut : a most singular circumstance 
happened, which was the arrival of intelligence front 
his Majesty's minister at the Hague, on the very day 
when the embargo became known here, that he had 
received an intimation from General Dumourier that 
the general wished an interview, in order to see if it 
were yet possible to adjust the differences between the 
two countries, and to promote a general pacification. 
Instead of treating the embargo as an act of hostility^ 
and forbearing from any communication, even after 
this aggression, his Majesty's ministers, on the same 
day on which the embargo was made known to them, 
gave instructions to the ambassador at the Hague to 
enter into a communication with General Dumourier; 
and they did this work with great satisfaction on seve- 
ral accounts ; first, because it might be done without 
committing the king's dignity ; for the general of an 
army might, even in the very midst of war, without any 
recognition of his authority, open any negociation for 
peace. But this sort of communication was desirable' 
also, because, if successful, it would be attended with 
the most immediate effects, as its tendency was imme- 
diately to stop the progress of war, in the most practi- 
cable, and perhaps the only practical way. No time 
was therefore lost in authorising the king's minister at 
the Hague to proceed in the pursuit of so desirable an 
object, ifitcoyld be done in a safe and honourable 
mode, but not otherwise. But before the answer of 
government could reach the ambassador, or any means 
be adopted for carrying the object proposed into exe- 
cution, war was declared, on the part of the French, 
against this country. If then we were to debate at all, 

KO. 18* X 



242 LIFE OF THE LATE 

we were to debate whether or not we were to repel 
those principles, which not only were inimical to this 
and to every other government, but which had been 
followed up in acts of hostility to this country. We 
were to debate whether or not we were to resist an ag- 
gresssion which had already been commenced. He 
x\ould however refer the house, not to observations of 
reasoning, but to the grounds which had been assigned 
by the assembly themselves in their declaration of war. 
But first h^ must revert again to the embargo. He 
then stated that a detention of ships, if no ground of 
hostility had been given, was, in the first place con- 
trary to the law of nations. In the second place, there 
was an actual treaty between the two countries, pro- 
viding for this very circumstance; and this treaty (if 
not set aside by our breach of it, which he shonld 
come to presently) expressly said, that, '* in case of 
a rupture time shall be given for a removal of persons 
and effects.'' 

*^ He should now proceed to the declaration itself. It 
began with declaring, ' That the king of England has 
not ceased, especially since the revolution of the 10th 
of August, 1792, to give proofs of his being evil-dis* 
posed towards the French nation and of his attachment 
to the coalition of crowned heads/ Notwithstanding 
the assertion that his Majesty had not ceased to shew- 
bis evil-dispositions towards the French nation, they 
had not attempted to shew any acts of hostility previ- 
ous to the 10th of August; nor in support of the charge 
c?f his attachment to the coalition of crowned heads, 
bad they been able to allege any fact, except his sup- 
posed accession to the treaty between the emperor of 
Germ&ny and the king of Prussia, This treaty had 
2 



WILLIAM PITT. 243 

alreac!}^ this evening, been the subject of conversation : 
it had then been mentioned, Nvbich he should now re- 
peat, that the fact thus alleged, was false and entirely 
destitute of foundation ; and that no accession to any 
such treaty had ever taken place on the part of his Ma- 
jesty. And not only bad he entered into no such trea- 
ty, but no step had been taken, and no engageuient 
formed on the part of our government to interfere in 
the internal affairs of France, or attempt to dictate to 
them any form of constitution. He declared that the 
whole of the interference of Great Britain had been (in 
consequence of French aggressions) with the general 
view of seeing whether it was possible, either by their 
own exertions, or in concert with any other powers to 
repress this P'rench system of aggrandizement and ag- 
gression, with the view of seeing whether we could not 
re-establish the blessings of peace, whether we could 
not either separately, or jointly with other powers, 
provide for the security of our own country, and the 
general security of Europe. 

*^ The next charge brought by the National Assem- 
bly, was, * That at the period aforesaid, he ordered 
his ambassador at Paiis to withdraw, because he would 
not acknowledge the provisional executive council, 
created by the legislative assembly/ It w^as hardly 
necessary for him to discuss a subject with which ail 
were already sa well acquainted. After the horrors of 
the 10th of August, which were paralleled, but not 
eclipsed by those of the second of September, and the 
suspension of the French monarch, to whom alon& 
the ambassador had been sent, it certainly became 
proper to recal him. He could not remain to treat 
with any government to whom he was not accredit 
x2 



244 LIFE OF THE lATE 

ed; and the propriety of his being recalled would ap- 
pear stii) more evident, when it was considered that 
iije banditti who had seized upon the government would 
not long retain their power ; and, in fact, in the course 
of a month, they had been obliged to yield to the in- 
terest of a diirerent party, but of a description similar 
to their own. It was also to be remarked, that this 
circumstance of recalling the ambassador had never 
till now been complained of as an act of hostility. 
"When a government was overturned, it became a fair 
question how long an interval should intervene till 
that government should be acknowledged ? and espe- 
cially if that change of government was accompanied 
v^'ith all the circumstances of tumult and distraction, 
it certainly became a matter of extreme hardship that 
a war should be the consequence to the nation which 
should refuse to acknowledge it in the first instance. 
The form of this reasoning, became increased in the 
particular application, when it was considered, tliatthe 
French had not yet established any constitution of its 
own ; that all, hitherto, was merely provisional and 
temporary; and that, however the present republican 
system might be confirmed by force, or change of opi- 
nion, a little before, the voice of the nation, as far as 
its wish could be collected, had expressed itself in fa- 
vour of a monarchy. 

** He proceeded to state, as farther grounds of their 
declaration of war, * That the cabinet of St. James's 
has ceased, since the same period (10th of August) 
to correspond with the French ambassador at London 
on pretext of the suspension of the heretofore king of 
the French. That, since the opening of the national 
convention, it has refused to resume the usual corres- 



WILLIAM PITTr £4rf 

pondence between the two states, and to acknowledge 
the powers of this convention. That it has refused to 
acknowledge the ambassador of the French RepivbUcy 
although provided vuath letters of credit in its' name/ 
^I.Chauvelin had been received at this court, as am- 
bassador of the king, and in no other capacity and cha- 
racter. From the period of the suspension of the king, 
he, for some months, ceased to hold an}^ communica* 
tion with the government here ; or to act in any capa- 
city ; nor was it till the month of December, that he- 
had received his letter of credence to act here as the 
ambassador of the French Repubhc. With respect to 
the charge of not having acknowledged the convention,, 
he confessed it to be true. When these letters of cre- 
dence had been tendered, they were refused ;. but it 
was to be considered, whether it would have been pro- 
per to have recognized them,, after the repeated in- 
stances of ofience for which no compensation had been 
made, and of which, indeed every fresh act presented 
not only a repetition/ but an aggravation. Indeed, it 
would have been impossible at that period^ without 
shewing a deviation from principIe,^ and a tameness of 
disposition, to have recognized their authority^ or ac- 
cepted of the person who presented himself in the cha- 
racter of their ambassador. At that very moment, it 
was to be recollected, they were embarked in the un- 
just and inhuman process which had terminated in the 
murder of their king — an event which had every where 
excited sentiments of the atmost horror and indigna- 
tion ! W^ould it have been becoming in our govern- 
ment first to have acknowledged them at such a mo- 
ment, when the power they had assumed was thiish 
cruelly and unjustly exercised against that very autl 



246 LIFE OF THE LATE 

thority they had usurped? But, whatever might be 
the feelings of abhorrence and indignation, which their 
conduct on this occasion could not fail to excite, he 
should by no means hold out those feelings as a ground 
for hostility, nor should he ever wish to propose a war 
of vengeance. The catastrophe of the French monarch 
they ought all to feel deeply ; and consistently with 
that impression, be led more firmly to resist those prin^ 
ciples from which an event of so black and atrocious a 
nature had proceeded; principles, if not opposed, might 
be expected in their progress to lead to the commission 
of similar crimes ; but, notwithstanding the govern- 
ment had been obliged to decline all communication 
which tended to acknowledge the authority of the con- 
vention, still, as he had said before, they had left open 
. the means of accommodation; nor could that line of 
conduct which they had pursued be stated as affording 
any ground of hostility. 

" He should now consider collectively, some of the 
subsequent grounds which they had stated in their 
declaration, which were expressed in the following ar- 
ticles : — 

' That the Court of St. James's has attempted to 
impede the different purchasers of corn, arms, and 
other commodities ordered in England, either by 
French citizens or the agents of the republic. 

* That it has caused to be stopped, several boats 
and ships loaded with grain for France, contrary to the 
treaty of 1786, while exportation to other foreign 
countries was free. 

* That in onier still more effectually to obstruct the 
commercial „operations of the republic in England, it 



WILLIAM PITT. 247 

obtained an act of parliament prohibiting the circula- 
tion of assignat?. 

' Tliat in violation of the fourth article of the trea- 
ty of 1786, it obtained another act, in the month of 
January last, which subjects all French citizens, resid- 
ing in, or coming into England to forms the most in- 
quisitorial, vexatious, and dangerous. 

* That at the same time, and contrary to the first 
article of the peace of 1783, it granted protection and 
pecuniary aid not only to the emigrants, but even to 
the chiefs of the rebels, who have already fought against 
France ; and it has maintained with them a daily cor- 
respondence, evidently directed against the French re- 
volution : that it has also received the chiefs of the re- 
bels of the French West India Colonies-' 

" All these had been stated as provocations ; but 
what sort of provocations ? What, he would ask, vvas 
a provocation ? — That we had indeed, taken measures, 
which, if considered by themselves, and not as con- 
nected with the sitviation of affairs in which they were 
adopted, might perhaps be considered in the light of 
provocations, he would allow ; but if these measures 
were justified by the necessity of circumstances — if 
they were called for by a regard to our own safety, and 
interests — they could only be viewed as temperate aad 
moderate precautions. And in this light, these 
grounds, assigned in the declaration could only be re- 
garded as frivolous and unfounded pretences. With 
respect to the charge of having stopped supplies of 
grain and other commodities, intended for France, 
what could be more ridiculous than such a pretext ? 
When there was reason to apprehend that France in- 
tended an attack upon the allies of this country, and 



248 LIFE OF THE LATE 

against the country itself, upon which, at the sam« 
time, it depended for the stores and ammunitions ne- 
cessary for carrying on hostilities, was it natural to 
suppose that they should furnish, from their own bo- 
som, supplies to be turned against themselves and 
their allies ? Could they be such children in under- 
standing, could they be such traitors in principle, as 
to furnish to the enemy the means of hostility, and the 
instruments of offence ? What was the situation of 
France with respect to this country ? Had they not 
given sufficient cause for jealousy of their hostile in- 
tentions ? By their decree of the l^th of November, 
they had declared war against all governments. They 
had possessed themselves of Flanders, and were there 
endeavouring to establish by force, what they styled a 
system of freedom, while they actually menaced Hol- 
land with an invasion. Another ground which they had 
stated in their declaration, as an act of hostility on the 
part of our government was, that they had not suffered 
assignats to be circulated in this country. Truly, they 
had no reason to be offended that we wouW'not receive 
what was worth nothing; and that by exercising an act 
which came completely within our own sovereignty 
with respect to the circulation of any foreign paper 
currency, we thus avoided a gigantic system of swind- 
ling ! If such, indeed, were the pretences which they 
brought forward as grounds for a declaration of war, 
it was matter of wonder that, instead of a sheet of pa- 
per, they did not occupy a volume, and proved that 
their ingenuity had been exhausted before their mo- 
desty had been at all affected. Of much the same 
nature was that other pretext, with respect to the passi* 
ing of the Alien Bill ; a bill absolutely necessary for the 



WILLIAM PITT. 249 

safety of the country, as it shielded us from the artifice 
of the seditious, perhaps from the dagger of the assas- 
sin. This bill they held out as an infringement of the 
treaty of commerce. It could be no infringement of 
their treaty, as in the treaty itself it was expressly de- 
clared^ that nothing was to be considered as an in- 
fringement, unless, first, proper explanations had taken 
place. Secondly, it was not to be expected that any 
treaty could supersede the propriety of adopting new 
measures in a new situation of affairs. Such was the 
case, when an inundation of foreigners had poured 
into this country, under circumstances entirely ditfe- 
rent from those which were provided for by the bill. 
But who were those who complained of the seventy of 
the regulations adopted by the Alien Bill in this coun- 
try ? The very persons, who, during the late tran- 
sactions in their own country, had adopted restrictions 
of police ten times more severe, but of which our go- 
vernment, however much its subjects might be affect- 
ed, had never made the smallest complaint. 

" The next ground assigned in the declaration, was 
the armament which had taken place in this coun- 

* That, in the same spirit, without any provocation, 
and when all the maritime powers are at peace with 
England, the cabinet of St. James's has ordered a con* 
siderable naval armament, and an augmentation of the 
land forces. 

* That this armament was ordered at a moment 
when the English minister w-as bitterly persecuting 
those who supported the principles of the French re- 
volution in England, and was employing all possible 
means, both in parliament and out of it. to cover the 



250 LIFE OF THE LATE 

the French Republic with ignominy, and to draw upoft 
it the execration of the Enghsh nation, and of all Eu- 
ro]3e/ 

" And under what circumstances had^the araiament 
complained of taken place f At the period when the 
French, by their conduct with regard to the treaty of 
the Scheldt, shewed their intention to disregard the 
obligation of all treaties, when they had begun to pro- 
pagate principles of universal war, and to discover 
views of unbounded conquest, was it to- be wondered, 
that, at such a time, we should think it necessary to 
take measures of precaution, and to oppose with deter- 
mination, the progress of principles, not only of sa 
mischievous a tendency, but which, in their immediate 
consequences, threatened to be so fatal to ourselves 
and our allies? Indeed they now seemed rather to 
despair of these principles being so generally adopted 
and attended with such striking and immediate suc- 
cess as they had at first fondly imagined. How little 
progress these principles had made in this country, they 
might be sufficiently convinced by that spirit, which 
Lad displayed itself, of attachment to the constitution, 
and those expressions of a firm determination to sup- 
port it, which had appeared from every quarter. If, 
indeed, they mean to attack us, because we do not 
like French principles, then would this indeed be that 
sort of war which had so often been alleged on the 
other side of the house — a war against opinions. If 
they mean to attack us because we love our constitu- 
tion, then indeed it would be a war of extirpation ; for 
not till the spirit of Englishmen was exterminated, 
would their attachment to their constitution be de- 



WILLI A^l PITT. 251 

troyed, and their generous efforts be slackened in its 
defence. 

^^ The next articles of complaint, on the part of the 
French, were, 

* That the object of tliis armament, intended against 
France, was not even disguised in the English parlia- 
ment. 

* That although the provisional executive council of 
France em[)loyed every measure for preserving peace 
and iVaternity with the English nation, and has replied 
to calumnies and violation of treaties only by reuion- 
•slrances, founded on the principles of justice, and ex- 
pressed with the dignity of free men ; the English mi- 
nister has persevered in his system of malevolence and 
hostility, continued the armaments, and sent a squa- 
dron to the Scheldt to. disturb the operations of the 
French in Belgium. 

* That on the news of tlie execution of Louis, he 
carried his outrages to the French Republic to such a 
length, as to order the ambassador of France to quit 
the British territory within eight days. 

* That the king of England has manifested his at- 
tachment to the cause of that traitor, and his design of 
supporting it by different hostile resolutions adoptecj 
in his council, both by nominating generals ofhis land 
army, and by applying to parliament for a considera- 
ble addition of land and sea forces, and putting ships 
of war in commission.' 

"They clearly shewed their enmity to that constitu- 
tion, by taking every opportunity to separate the king 
of England from the nation, and by addressing the peo- 
ple as distinct from the government. Upon the point 
of their fraternity he did not wish to say much : he had 



252 LIFE OF THE LATE 

no desire for their affection. To the people they oflbred 
fraternity, while they would rob them of that situation 
by which they are protected and deprive them of the 
luimerous blessings which they enjoy under its influ- 
ence. In this case, their fraternal embraces resem- 
bled those certain animals who embrace only to de- 
stroy. 

^ '* Another ground which they assigned was the grief 
which had been expressed in the British court at the 
fate of their unhappy monarch. Of all the reasons he 
ever heard for making war against another country, 
that of the French upon this occasion was the most ex- 
traordinary : they said they would maiie war on us, 
first, because we loved our own constitution; se- 
condly, because we detested their proceedings; and 
lastly, because we presumed to grieve at the death of 
their murdered king. Thus would they even destroy 
those principles of justice, and those sentiments of 
compassion, which led us to reprobate their crimes 
and be afflicted at their cruelties. Thus would they 
deprive ns of that last resource of humanity — to mourn 
over the misfortunes and sufferings of the victims of 
their injustice. If such was the case, it might be asked 
ia the emphatic words of the Roman writer, 

Quis gemltus populo Romano liber erit? 

They would not only endeavour to destroy our poli- 
tical existence and to deprive us of the privileges which 
we enjoyed under our excellent constitution, but they 
would eradicate our feelings as men ; they v/ould make 
crimes of those sympathies which were excited by the 
distresses of our common nature; they would repress 
our sighs and restrain our tears. Thus, except th© 



WILLIAM PITT. 253 

s]>ecific fact, wliicli was alleged as a ground of tlieir 
declaration of war, namely, the accession of his Ma- 
jesty to the treaty between Austria and Prussia, which 
had turned out to be entirely false and unfounded, or 
the augmentation of our armament, a measure of pre- 
caution indispensibly requisite for the safety of the 
country, and the protection of its allies, all the others 
were merely unjust, unfounded, absurd, and frivolous 
pretexts — pretexts which never could have been 
brought to justify a measure of which they were not 
previously strongly desirous, and which siiewed that 
instead of w-aiting for procrastination, they only sought 
a pretence of aggression. The death of Louis, though 
it only affected the individual, was aimed against all so- 
vereignty, and shewed their determination to carry 
into execution that intention, which they had so oftt^a 
professed of exterminating all monarchy, as a conse- 
quence of that monstrous system of inconsistency 
which they pursued, even while they professed a de- 
sire to maintain a good understanding with this courr^ 
try, the minister of marine h:ad written a letter to the 
seaport towns, ordering them to ht^ out privateers: 
for what purpose but the projected view of making de- 
predations on our commerce ? While they afiected to 
complain of our armament, tliey had passed a decree 
to fit out fifty sail of the line — an armament which, 
however it was to be observed, existed oiily in the 
decree. 

*' He feared that, by this long detail, l.v had wearied 
the patience of the house, and occupied more of their 
time than he at first intended. 1 he pretexts whuh be 
had been led to examine, alleged as grounds for the de- 
claration of war, were of a nature that required no le- 

J^O. 18. Y 



254 LIFE OF THE LATE 

futation; they were such as every man could sfte 
through; and in many of his remarks he doubted not 
he had been anticipated by that contempt with which 
the house would naturally regard the weak reasoning, 
but wicked pohcy, of these pretexts/' 

He now came to his conclusion. — " We/' said 
Mr. Pitt, " have, in every instance, observed the 
strictest neutrality with respect to the French: we 
have pushed to its utmost extent, the system of tem- 
perance and moderation : we have held out the means 
of accommodation ; waited till the last moment for 
satisfactory explanation. They have now, at last, 
come to an actual aggression, by seizing our vessels in 
our very ports, without any provocation being given 
on our part ; without any preparations having been 
adopted but those of necessary precaution, they have 
declared, and are now waging war. Such is the con- 
duct v/hich they have pursued; such is the situation 
ia which we stand. It now remains to be seen whe- 
ther, under Providence, the efforts of a free, brave, 
loyal, and happy people, aided by their allies, will 
not be successful in checking the pj^ogress of a sys- 
tem, the principles of which, if not o|)posed, threaten 
the most fatal consequences to the tranquillity of this 
country, the security of its allies, the good order of 
every European government, and the liappiness of 
the whole of the human race!" 

Mr. Pitt then proceeded to move the following 
address in answer to his Majesty's message: — 

^' That an humble address be presented to his Ma- 
jesty, to return his Majesty the thanks of this house 
for his most gracious message, informing us, that the 
assembly, now exercising the powers of government in 

5 



WILLIAM PITT. Q53 

France, have, without previous notice, directed acts 
of hostility to be committed against the persons and 
property of his r>Iajesty's subjects, in breach of the 
law of nations and of the positive stipulations of trea*- 
ty; and have since, on the most groundless pretences, 
actually declared war against his Majesty and the 
United Provinces: to assure his I\I ajesty that, under 
the circumstances of this wanton and unprovoked ag- 
gression, we most gratefully acknowledge his Majesty's 
care and vigilance in taking the necessary steps for 
maintaining the honour of his crown, and vindicating 
the rights of his people ; that his Majesty may rely on 
the firm and eftectual support of the i-epresentatives of 
a brave and loyal people, in the prosecution of a j'j?t 
and necessary war, and in endeavoring, under the 
blessing of Providence, to oppose an effectual barrier 
to the farther progress of a system which strikes at 
the security and peace of all independant nations, and 
is pursued in open defiance of every principle of mode- 
ration, good faith, humanity, arid justice. 

" That, in a cause of such general concern, it must 
afibrd us great satisfaction to learn that his Majesty 
has every reason to hope for the cordial co-operation 
of those powers who are united with his ISlajesty 
by the ties of alliance, or who feel an interest in pre- 
venting the extension of anarchy and confusion, and 
in contributing to the security and tranquillity of 
Europe. 

*' That we are persuaded, that whatever his Ma- 
jesty's faithful subjects must consider as most dear and 
sacred, the stability of our happy constitution, the 
security and honour of his Majesty's crown, and the 
preservation of our laws, our liberty, and our religion^ 
y2 



156 



LIFE OF TPIE LATE 



are all involved in the issue of the present contest ; 
and that our zeal and exertions shall be proportioned 
to the importance of the conjuncture, and to the mag- 
nitude aiKJ value of the objects for which we have to 
contend/' 

liie effects of the French revolution were naturallj 
not dinrinisbed by the war which Great Britain, from 
such cogent motives had now waged with undiminished 
dignity against the French republic. It had indeed, 
With tl^e usual tendency of all wars, served to excite 
ti gainst the minister, in those who supported the doc- 
1 fines of the present party in opposition to govern- 
ment, additional opprobrium ; and when the mea- 
surtjs which had birth in his ardent mind began to 
operate with the additional force Vvd.ich they might be 
e.xpected to derive from their execution, the conse- 
quence was little less than a general in3urrection,Avhich 
the utmost strength of the loyal could scarcely quell 
in the body of the people. 

Of the measures which took place on this most im- 
portant and interesting occasion, Mr. Pitt had the de- 
cided merit. Whatever assistance he received from those 
respectable coadjutors who appeared as the ostensible 
authors of the various plans with which it became ne- 
cessary to meet the machinations of the popular party, 
the principle on which the government of Britain was 
conducted under the pressure of the present circum- 
iStances was that of Mr. Pitt, and entirely attributable 
to him. 

This principle was, as usual, perfectly accordant 
with those under which he had come into administra- 
tion, and diametrically opposite to that of his prede- 
cessors — his rivals, and present opponents. 



WILLIAM PITT. ^57 

A view of their respective merits has been already 
pubHshed in such a variety of forms, as in this in- 
stance to be in no v/ay necessary. Of that of Mr. Pitt 
sufficient will be learned from his own mouth on the 
report of the committee on the subject, which took 
place on May l6, 1794- — at a time when the ferment 
of the nation had arrived at its greatest height. 

This committee had been appointed four days pre- 
ceding, in consequence of a message from his Ma* 
jesty, stating, " that seditious practices to an alarm- 
ing extent had been carried on by certain societies in- 
London, in correspondence, &c. tending to subvert the 
laws and constitution of ihe kingdom, &c. and recom- 
mending to the house to adopt such measures as might 
appear necessary/* 

The books and papers of the society were referred 
to a committee of secrecy, of which this was the 
result. 

Mr. Pitt followed the reading of the report. 

He said, ^^ the committee of secrecy had formed 
their opinion on the papers submitted to their exami- 
nation with the greatest expedition, and their report 
stated so fully and particularly tho^e circumstances,, 
vchich in the judgment of the committee required the 
ihimediate attention of parliament, that he felt it 
hardly necessary for him to do more than shortly to. 
recapitulate the different objects to which that report 
applied, and the various particulars which came un-^ 
der their consideration. Gentlemen would perceiva 
that that report, so expeditiously laid before the house^ 
€ontained a general view of the transactions referred 
to the committee, ^vithout waiting for a more minute 
itnvestigatian, and was shortly this s—^txiat it appeared 



258 LIFE OF THE LATE 

to Ibem, that a plan had been digested and acted 
upon, and at that moment was in forwardness towards 
its executioj:!, the object of which was nothing less 
than to assemble a pretended convention of the people, 
for the pinpose of assuming to itself the character of a 
general representation of the nation; superseding, in 
the first place, the representative capacity of that 
house, and arrogating, in the next place, the legisla- 
tive power of the countrj^ at large. It would be for 
the house to consider v;hether the circumstances con- 
tained in the report, impressed their minds with the 
same conviction with v.'hich they had impressed the 
minds of the committee. If they did, he could not 
have a doubt but that they would lead to the same 
practical conclusion, namely, that, if such designs ex- 
isted, if such designs had been acted upon, and were 
in forwardness, there was not one moment to be lest 
in arming the executive power with those additional 
means, which might be sufiicient effectually to stop 
the further progress of such a plan, and to prevent its 
being carried into final execution. 

'' Ft was chiefly necessary for the house, in consider- 
ing the report, to recollect, that a great part of it was 
^merely introductory; and that, though it stated trans- 
actions of a date long antecedent to the period in 
which the acts of the societies implicated had assumed 
the serious aspect of practical treason, and though 
they were of notorious publicity, it was nevertheless 
necessary to bring them forward again to observation, 
to give a clue to unravel the complicated circum- 
stances of the plan, and, by comparison and combi- 
nation of them with the subsequent proceedings of the 
individuals concerned, to shew, that from the begin- 



WILLIAM PITT. S5§ 

ning their views v/ere the same, and that the pretext 
of reform, under which they masked their purpose, 
was far from being the true object of their intention. 
The house would also carry along with them, that the 
committee, having been stinted in point of time, had 
not been able to digest methodically, or point out dis- 
tinctly, the various minute parts that formed the great 
and momentous business before them. In order to 
give the house, however, as soon as possible, posses- 
sion of so much of it as might serve to point out the 
daily and encreasing approximation of danger, iht 
committee, in examining and making up the report, 
had kept m view the great object, the leading design 
of the plan; for it was not to be imagined, that the 
distance of the transactions in point of lime, and the 
fact of being previously known, made them the less 
material as comments on those parts of their conduct 
\^hich were discovered in their full maturity. * 

** It would be seen by the report, that the papers 
found, as far as related to that part of the conspiracy 
which irnnn diately implicated the corresponding so- 
ciety, and that for constitutional information, con- 
tained two \ ears' correspondence with various other 
societies in this and a neighbouring country ; and from 
these, coupled with their subsequent and more recent 
proceedings, il was evident that those societies, which 
wouid be found to be nov^ setting on foot aconventionj 
had had such a measure in contemplation from the 
very outset ; that it was conceived so long as two 
years back; was openly avowed in their corresponT 
dence, but kept in reserve to be reduced to practice 
as soon as a seasonable occasion should oifer. ; This 
whole system of insurrection wouid appear, from the 



260 LIFE OF THE LATE 

papers found with them, to be laid in the modern 
doctrine of the rights of man ; — that monstrous doc- 
trine, under which the weak and ignorant, who are 
most susceptible of impression from such barren ab- 
stract positions, were attempted to be seduced to over* 
turn government, law, property, security, religion, 
order, and every thing valuable in this countij, as 
men acting upon the same ideas had already overturned 
and destroyed every thing in France, and disturbed 
the peace and endangered the safety, if not the existi* 
tence of every nation in Europe. However gentlemen 
might ground arguiiients against the cautionary mea- 
sures taken to prevent the evil effects of that pernicious 
doctrine, on the contemptible situation of the authors, 
and the absurdity of the principles of those books iu 
-which it was inculcated, yet allowing the one to be in 
the extreme as contemptible as the others were absurd, 
it was no light or trivial circumstance, when, deduced 
from it, alarming principles were promulgated and 
eagerly adopted by large bodies; and when the pro* 
ceedings of all those jacobin societies would appear (as 
the papers before the house fully demonstrated) to be 
only comments on that text ;'-a text for the inculca- 
tion of which those societies were the disciples here, 
as their corresponding French brethren were the in- 
struments for disseminating it in France, and extend- 
ing it by carnage and slaughter to all other parts of 
Europe. 

*' It would appear,, that, prior to the enormities 
committed in France, a correspondence had been car^ 
ried on between those societies and the jacobin club 
in Paris, and that delegates w'ere sent from them ta 
the national convention, and- received formally by 



WILLIAM PITT.: 261 

that assembly ; and that, at the very moment when 
the jacobin faction which usurped the government of 
that country, had commenced hostilities against Great 
Britain, those societies, still, as far as they coultl, had' 
pursued the same conduct, expressed the same attach- 
ment to their cause, adapted their appellations, forms 
of proceeding and language, and, in short, had formed 
a settled design to disseminate the same principles, 
and sow the same seeds of ruin, in their own country. 
It would be found, not only that tbe most effectual 
plans which cunning could devise, had been laid 
to carry this design into practice, but in the report 
would be seen a staleriient of the catalogue of manu- 
facturing towns marked out, as the most likely (from, 
the vast concourse of ignorant and profligate men who 
necessarily collect in such places) to adopt their plans 
and corresponding societies established there, to keep 
up the chain of seditious intercourse, and promulgate 
and give it universal circulation. Gentlemen would 
fmd in that catalogue a well chosen selection of the" 
places where those people dwell, who must be natu- 
rally supposed most ready to nse at the call of insur- 
rection ; who were most likely to be blinded by their 
artifices, and prejudiced by professions ; whose undet- 
standings were most subject to be misled by their 
doctrires, and rendered subservient to their views, 
and whom fraudful persuasion, proneness to discon- 
tent, and the visionary and fallacious hope of mending 
their condition by any alteration of it whatever, would 
be most likely to congregate into an enormous torrent 
of insurrection, which would sweep away all tbeibar- 
riers of governmentj law, and religion, and leave our- 



262 LIFE OF TPIE LATE 

country a naked waste for usurped authority to range 
in, uncontrolled and unresisted. 

" In considering this subject, the house couid not 
but remark the extraordinary manner in which those 
societies had varied their plans of operation ; some- 
times acting in undisguised, audacious hostility, some- 
times patting on the mask of attachment to the state 
and country ; one day openly avowing their intentions, 
as if purposely to provoke the hand of justice; the 
next putting on the mask of reform, and affecting the 
utmost zeal for the preservation of the constitution. 
In their letter to the society at Norwich, would be 
seen a plain avowal of their object, an apology for 
deigning to apply to parliament \ and a candici> sincere 
confession, that, not to the Parliament, not to the 
executive power were they to look for redress, but to 
tlie convention which they proposed to erect, and to 
themselves; afterwards they recommended persevering 
in petitioning for reform to be used as a mask to their 
designs, which they were to throw ofl' when time 
served, and a period propitious to their views should 
arrive. Happily for this country, and for the whole 
Vv'orld, they had prematurely tliought that period at 
hand, and thrown oflf the mask just when the bulk of 
the nation unanimously were uniting with government 
in vigilance and care for its protection, and in the re- 
solution to oppose their efforts. 

*' By a due attention to the correspondence of that 
society, the house would find, in their communication 
with the British constitution at Edinburgh, which still 
retained some flimsy remnant of that disguise, some 
remains of that hypocrisy assumed to hide those de- 
signs, which, though i^ut pubUcly declared, too ob- 



WILLIAM PITT. 263 

viously appeared, that they styled this convention 
the representatives of the people, clothed in all the 
right to reform, and send delegates to it; and when 
some of the most mischievous and active of its mem- 
bers fell under the sentence of the law, that they boldly 
asserted their innocence, nay, their merits, directly 
in the teeth of that law, paid every tribute of enthu- 
siastie applause to the persons convicted by the ver- 
dict of juries legally constituted, and of respect to the 
convention, pronouncing them objects of panegyric 
and envy. In conformity to their prior declarations, 
and to the plans d^i insurrection laid by them, they made 
the legal condemnation of those guilty persons the sig- 
nal, as they styled it, of coming to issue on the point, 
* Whether the law should frighten them into compli- 
ance, or they oppose it with their own weapons, to 
wit, force and power?' that is to say distinctly, 
Whether they should yield obedience to the laws of 
their country, or oppose them by insurrection ? That 
was avowed in as plain and marked language' as man 
could possibly conceive. He thought that that case, 
so circumstanced, and supported by stich a variety of 
coincident matter, was as strong a case as the mind of 
man could v;ell im*agine; yet, singular though it might 
appear, all this was but introductory to facts of #i still 
stronger nature which were to follow. He should call 
the attention of the house to the history cf a society 
which, despicable and contemptible though the persons 
were, as to talents, education, and influence, yet 
when looked at with cautious attention, and compared 
with the object they had in view, and the motives on 
which they acted, naaiely, that great moving principle 
of all jacobinism, the love of plunder, devastation, 



264 ^ LIFE OF THE LATE 

and robbery, which now bore the usurped name of 
liberty, and that butchery and carnage which had been 
made the instrument of enforcing those principles, 
would appear to be formidable in exact proportion to 
the meanness and contemptibility of their characters. 
,0f that society the characteristic was, that, being 
composed of the lower orders of the people, it had 
v/ithin it the means of unbounded extension, and con- 
cealed in itself the means of rapid increase. It had 
risen already to no less than thirty divisions in London, 
some of those containing as many as six hundred per- 
sons, and was connected by a systeiftatical chain of 
correspondence with other societies scattered through 
all the manufacturing, towns, where ihe-seeds of those 
principles were laid, which artful and dangerous people 
might best convert to their own purposes. It wou-ld 
appear in proof, that the society had risen to an enor- 
mous height of boldness, and erected in itself, in ex- 
press terms, a pov/er to watch over the progress of 
parliament, to scan its proceedings, and prescribe 
limits for its actions ; beyond which if it presumed to 
advance, that august society was to issne its mandate, 
not only to controvert that act, but to put an end to 
the existence of parliament itself: so that if the par- 
liament should think it necessary to oppose, by any 
act of penal coercion, the ruin of the constitution, 
that would be the war-whoop for insurrection; the 
means of our defence would become the signal for at- 
tack, and the parliament would be made the instru- 
ment of its own annihilation. Such language as this, 
Goxmng from people apparently so contemptible in ta- 
len.ts, so mean in their description, and so circum- 
"!cribed in their power, would, abstractedly considered, 



WILLIAM PITT. Ids 

be supposed to derive compassion, as the wildest 
workings of insanity; but the researches of the com- 
mittee would tend to prove, that it had been the result 
of deep design, matured, moulded into shape, and fit 
for mischievous effect when opportunity should ofier. 

About six weeks since there had arisen a new ajra 
in this history of insurrection, in which the house 
might contemplate those great machines of jacobinism, 
the societit*.s alluded to in the report. At that period 
the corresponding society had laid, in due form, be- 
fore the society for constitutional information, a deli- 
berate and well concerted plan for actually assembling 
a convention for all England ; not to be the representa- 
tives of these partici/iar bodies for ilie accomplishment 
of particular legal purposes, but to l.^e the representa- 
tives of the whole body of the people of England, and 
evidently to exercise legislative and judicial capacities, 
iQ overturn the established system of govern njeut, and 
wrest from the parliament that power which the people 
and the constitution l)ad lodged in their hands. With- 
in a few weeks the plan was fixed upon to be carried 
into execution, and in their circular letter they precise- 
ly and emphatically stated, that tw ti?ne ivas to be lust : 
and lest, by any possibility, their ruinous intentions 
should be niisunderstood, the letter was addressed 
equally to all parts of the island, and circulated with 
a share of vigour, cunning, and yddress, truly asto- 
nishing. It contained also a declaration, that a 
ceiitral ?pot was fixed upon, which ihey would not 
venture to name, till they had assurances of the fide- 
lity of those to whom they were to disclose it; which 
central spot they chose, as they themselves asserted, 
for the purpose of having with greater facility the 

NO. 18. 2 



266 LIFE OF THE LATE 

delegates of the whole island present when they assem- 
bled; and they particularly desired each separate 
society to send an exact account of the number of its 
members, friends, and adherents, in order to estimate 
their force. Of this tbey informed the society for 
constitutional information, in a letter, accompanied 
with a set of resolutions. 

^' It might be objected, that men of the description 
he had stated, could not be expected to act so consist- 
-ently, and under such well managed disguise; but 
wlien, on inspection, it appeared that their plans had 
been carried on with a degree of cunning and ma- 
nagement that greater men, in worthier causes, had 
failed in manifesting, that objection could have no 
weight wlien opposed to evidence thus incontrovertible. 
Who was there that knew whiit jacobins, and jacobin 
prhiciples were, but must see, in the pretences of re- 
form in parliament held out by these societies, the 
arrogant claims of the same class of men as those who 
lorded in France, to trample upon the rich, and crush 
-every description of .men, women, and children ; th^ 
dark designs of a few, making use of the name of the 
people to govern all ; a plan—a plan founded in the 
arrogance of wretches, the outcasts of society, tending 
to enrich themselves, by depriving of property and of 
life all those who were distinguished either for personal 
worth or for opulence! — a plan whic4) had been long 
felt by the unfortunate people of France in all its 
agj^ravated horrors, and which, he feared, would long, 
very long continue to be felt by that ill-fated country. 
<* ^From tl e period he had mentioned, they had acted 
uyon that horrible plan; and subsequently, (on the 
lith of April,) the house would find a meeting of the 



WILLIAM PITT. 267 

society, their proceedings in which n>eeting carried- 
with them no faint illustration of what they miglit be 
expected to do in the full majesty of power. These 
would be found resolutions arraigning every branch of 
the government, threatening the sovereign, insulting 
the House of Peers, and accusing the Coniuiuns of 
insufficiency; there would be found notice taken of 
the measures of parliament, which had been j^reviously 
made the signal for the insurrection of the people, 
and declarations that certain measures, if adopted, 
whether with or without the consent of parliamenlv 
should be rescinded, under their doctrine, 

*' Salus populi suprema lex/^ 
and that the constitution had been utterly destroyed* 
Could tliere be a more explicit avowal of their views f 
AW the materials from whence proof of these allega- 
tions was drawn, rested on their ovv-n authentic re- 
cords, and on the express and unequivocal avowal of 
their own deliberate acts in their meditated system of 
insurrection. This was the essence of the subject; but 
if the house were of opinion that this so deeply affect- 
ed the safety and existence of parliament itself, and 
struck at the root of government and the constitution, 
as to demand interfeicnce, tliere were, in addition 
other things, which must contribute not a little to in- 
crease the impatience of the house to bafHe the views 
of those conspirators, and stop the linai execution of 
their projects. 

" For his part, Mr. Pitt said, such was his opinion of 
the British constitution, that, even supposing that tlie 
executive government had been guilty of every neglect 
of their duty in watching over its safety, and parlia- 
ment bad been s.ipine under tho.e. manifestations at 

22 



268 LIFE OF THE LATE 

sedition, be conceived its enemies must nevertbek-i: 
have failed of success; but iiowever persuaded he 
might be of this fdct, ii was sliii right to prevent, by 
timely interference, the siiiall niisery which a !>hcrt 
sinjggle might necessarily produce, and to save tiie 
nation at large from the reproach, that they had sem 
such acts, and heard bucb avov/als, without having 
adopted proper steps to check their execution, and 
punish those who were so wicked as to devise them. 
Tiiere were stated in the close of the report, on 
grounds not light and trivial, though not minutely 
entered into in the report till after fuller investigations 
by the committee, allegations that arms had been actu- 
al<f/ procured and distribnttd bj/ these societies, and were 
ii) the hands of those very people whom they had been 
striving to corrupt; and that even now, instead of 
breaking up this formidable league, and disbanding 
and dispersing this jacobin army, they had shewn, 
themselves immoveably bent on the pursuit of their 
purpose, and displayed preparations of defiance and 
resistance to the measures of government. 

** Jt remained for the house to consider what was to 
be done ; and, in considering that, they would not 
refer to the quality of the persons, but to the nature 
and magnitude of the objects they had in view. It 
would be found, when the causes and proceedings were 
taken into contemplation, thai so fornndable a conspi- 
racy had never before existed. The inquiry was yet 
far from c^.nnplete, and unfit for final decision, the 
documents being very volunujious ; but the committee 
had deemed it their duty to shew the house, that 
inst»nt precaution was necessary, and had theiefore, 
though unable to finish the important rt search, laid 



WILLIAIVI PITT.^ 2^9*' 

before the house what they had yet done, which he' 
hoped would be thought sufficient grounds for adopt-' 
ing the measure he intended to propose. It had been 
usual, in time of danger, to enact a temporary sus- 
pension of the Habeas Corpus law. As that great and 
essential benefit of the subject had been suggested, and 
provided for the preservation of the constitution on the 
one hand, so, on the other, it could not exist if the 
constitution was gone. The temporary sacrifice of- 
that law might be, on certain occastbns, as necessary 
to the support of the constitution, as the maintenance 
of its principles was at all others. It had been sus- 
pended at a time when the constitution and liberty of 
the country were most peculiarly guarded and respect- 
ed ; and such a suspension was more particularly called^ 
for at this crisis, when attempts were made to disse- 
minate, through the realm, principles and means of 
action that might endanger that constitution, for the 
preservation of which that law had been made, and 
which might produce more lamentable effects, and at- 
last require a reniedy greater in extent, and more 
dreadful, than the one now proposed. This was not 
his opinion alone, but the sentiments of all those 
respectable gentlemen of the committee who had in-^- 
vesti^ated the matter. He should therefore move for 

o 

leave to bring in a bill to empower his Majesty to* 
secure and detain all such persons as should be sus- 
pected of conspiring against his person and govern-- 
ment." 

Of the conduct of this war, and tlie circumstances- 
arising out of it, Mr. Pitt built his highest fame; it is. 
Bot for these pages to hope to trace his varicus diiB- 

z a 



£70 LIFE OF THE LATE 

Gulties or the means by whith he regularly subverted; 
theiT], with eiujrgies proportionai.e to their magnitude. 

By a selection ot some incidents, however, of certain 
authenticity we shall endeavour to convey an idea of 
the spirit of that government formed on a. principle 
entirely his own,, v/hich produced such' astonishing 
effects,. 

Of the promptitude and dexterity of the civil de- 
partment the following instance will afford no uninte- 
resting specimen, as it was whispered about among the 
circles of the day. 

At that peiiod of the French revolution when repub- 
lican emissaries from the continent were busily engaged 
in this country, in endeavouring, by the only means, 
in their povvcr, persuasion, and bribery, to disseminale- 
those principles of anarchy and hoiror which have 
rendered France an eternal beacon to civilized society 
^—precisely at that time when so many of our Country- 
men were seduced by a fair phantom from that honest, 
attachment to their king and constitution, by which they 
had been hitherto distinguished,, and to which they 
have long since returned — a certain foreigner entered 
one of the most considerable banking houses in the 
metropohs,. and taking from his pocket-book a large 
sum of money, amounting to between twelve and four- 
teen, thousands, expressed a desire to .open an account 
\vith the house alluded to. On being asked by the 
clerk to whom he addressed himself,, what naii^e he 
should Dlace in the books, he requested that the sum 
should be entered u?)der the letter A, and that all 
drafts subscribed by that It^tter should be duly honour-- 
€d. In a few days he called with a sin)ilar sum, which. 
by his directions was entered under the letter B. Xhe. 

a.. 



WILLIAM PITT. S7l 

clerk surprized at these proceedings, communicated, 
them to the principal partner in the firm, Mr. D. by 
vvhom he was ordered, should the stranger again make 
his appearance, to acquaint him, that he might have 
an opportunity of observing him. Accordingly, in less 
than a week, the foreigner deposited a large sum un- 
der the letter C, Mr. D. took advantage of his third 
visit particularly to notice tht^ features of the man; 
and soon after another call enabled him firmly to im- 
print them on his mmd. Having consulted with some 
friends on the steps it would be prudtnt to take, it was 
deemed advisable by them that Mr. D. should wait on 
the premier, as they had httle doubt that it was intend- 
ed to apply this money to smister andpoiitical services. 
The next morning iNIr. D. went to Duwning-street, but 
was informed that Mr. Pitt had not ris^'n. It is well 
known that that great man used to avail himself of the 
quiet of his bed to I'evolve in liis mind the important 
schemes of policy, which he was ever intent on fram- 
ing for the benefit of his cotintry ; and that at those 
moments his servants had orders on no account to dis- 
turb him. INlr. D. wailed patiently above two hours 
before the minister's bell rang,. On bting told of his 
visitor, Mr. Pitt instantly sent a message requesting to 
see him in his chamber,, where he received him in his 
morning gown,, for which he apologized by expressincr 
his unwillingness that he felt to allow a gentleman of 
such respectability to remain a smgle unnecessary in- 
stant in attendance on him. Mr. D. then proceeded, 
to unfold the business on which he Cc-me. At the con- 
clusion of the narrative, Mi. Pitt opened a small bu- 
reau, and taking from thence several miniature pic- 
tsres; laid them before Mr,. D. who strongly impressed 



272 LIFE OF THE LATE 

with the resemblance whicii one of them bore to the 
object of his suspicion, suddenly pointed to it, and ex- 
claimed, '' that is the man !'* Mr. Pitt, smihng, 
thanked Mr. D. for his information, exj)ressing a wish 
that all his brother bankers had been equally commu- 
nicative ; but at the same time he assured him that the 
proceedings of the individual, whose portrait he had 
selected, were well known to his Majesty's govern-> 
ment, who were closely watching his movements, and 
those of his colleagues. He requested Mr. D. to re- 
turn, take no notice of the transaction, and pay any 
drafts that might be presented in consequence. I'his Mr. 
D. accordingly did ; the money was gradually with- 
drawn, and in a few months he learned that this man 
and his coadjutors, from the developement of whose 
intrigues, during an apparent- blindne&s to them, go- 
vernment at that critic-al period had derived much im- 
portant intelligence, were sent out of the kingdom 
under the A lie a Act. 

While these machinations from without were repell- 
ing with so much success, those of the societies already 
correctly described by Mr. Pitt were ardently pursuing 
within the bosom of the capital, and every means 
adopted to render the minister obnoxious to every class, 
though without effect. 

One of these w^as of so particular a nature as to de- 
mand even here some rational investigation. This was 
the execution of the plan prescribed by Mr. Howard, 
,^andona very extensive scale,of an house of correction, 
in Cold Bath Fields — a prison which excited the popular 
indignation perhaps more than any other circumstance 
within the remembrance of the present writer. He 
temeaxbers while walking over the foundation of this> 




••X.-.--A 



.'■m-. 
.##"■ 









I.O.U . -"•'*•' ■^" 

'^^*.^»'^ 



6- 



SIE. .1FPaA"^"CIS BIJRjiAEl'T. 



rut .J^uijr.j:^.';, l.yjam&f Qmdse .Londqn . 



WILLIAM PITT. 273 

biiilrjing, to have heard the people considering the dif- 
ferent portions of them as so many cells for the pur- 
poses of an Knglish BastiJe ! So jealous is a hee nation, 
ot anything that wears the appearance of an abridg- 
ment of its liberties. Since the completion, however, 
oUh is house of correction, so various have been the 
reports concerning it, so dreadful have been the rela- 
tion ot its cruel regnhitions, that injustice to the sen* 
sations of wounded humanity, something that has re- 
lation to truth shall here be said of it. The commo- 
tions that took place in the capital shortly after its 
establishnaent, attached the idea of a state prison to it, 
as svell as to many othor places of confinetnent, both in. 
town and in the countiy. The persons committed to 
it during those commotions were not such as philoso- 
phers would have appealed to for a calm and rational 
account of its internal economy. Hence what vvas be- 
fore but conjecture respecting it, vvas established as fact; 
by an irritated nation. But it did not end here; for dur- . 
ing the representations of those whose sense of duty in- 
fluenced them to examine nito the state of this prisotj, 
Sir Francis Burdett* appeared to urge the inspectioii 



* Of tl'.is amiable and conspicuous character, however in sont« 
instances misled, the iiuj>ailiality ol the pjcbent work dcaiaiids 
soiue uccount to be given. 

Sir Fraiici;5 Burdett is the second son of Francis, aiso second son 
of Sir Robert Burdett, of Fremark in D>trb>'>«hjre^ and Eleanor, 
daughter of WiUinm Jon' s, Fsq of Raiiisbury, in Wi'lshire. In 
the pride of ancestry and fortune Sir Fi.incis niav boy/ii tiic bigh- 
e.st chiims. A representative ot" his faniily, originaiiy Noruian, 
accompanied Wiiliani tiie Coiiqueror to Kn^ciaji i, and the same. 
feinaie. was the ancestor ot liie harisof Sandv-ci: and Stanhope, 
the De Sulis^s aiid^ the liurdctts, , Sir Frauci? was educated at 



274 LIFE OF THE LATE 

with peculiar warmth. This saiiction and llie repectabi- 
lity it attached to the cause, while it inspired proper at- 



Westminster School,, with the hUe and present Dnkcs of Bedford,. 
Lord Wiiliani Russel, &(:. About tlic vear 1790 he repaired to 
the Continent; and, on his return lo Enghuid, finding that his- 
education had been neglected, he betook himself once more to the 
study of the classics ; and it was upon this qccasion, we b^^'lieve, 
and also on this account, thut lie commenced an acquaintance 
with Mr. Home Tooke, who had always been allowed to be one 
of the first scholars of the age. In I7i;3 he married Miss Coutts^ 
a daughter of the opulent banker of tlie same name, and sister to 
the Marchioness of Bute, and countess dowager of Guildford : bj' 
this lady he has had two sons and two daughters. At the general 
election in 17 96, Sir Francis was returned lo parliament, without 
.any opposition, for Boroughbridge, in Yorkshire, in conjunction 
with Sir John Scott, afterwards Lord Eldon. In 1797 he suc- 
ceeded his grandfather, Sir R,obert, in consequence of the un- 
happy catastrophe of his eider brother, wiio perished at the same 
time with c young English nobleman, (Viscount Montague), while 
trying to cross the falls of ilie IVniiie, in a small boat^ at Schaff- 
hausen, an achievement novel in its kind, aud which was Hot 
attempted with impunity. 

Having evinced h.imself unfriendly to the late war, and hostile 
to all the measures of Mr. Pitt's administration, it was thought by 
many of the freeholders of Middlesex, that he was a proper per- 
son to represent that count), Mr. Mainwaring was at this time 
wholly unpopular, and as his conduct was deemed by many to be 
deserving Of censure, it was upon this circumstance that the hope, 
and indeed the probability of success was chiefly placed. On the 
Sd ol'June, 1798, he delivered a siicech in llic house on the assessed 
taxes, which was considered by some as replete with sound reason- 
ing. At all eventSv it dispiayad, in a very energetic manner, his 
inveterate opposition to the measures of that day. Ln the month of 
June following a bill was brought in for regulating the publication 
of newspapers, &c. which was opposed by the leading members 
of opposition as a dangerous innovation. This afforded Sir Francis 
au opportunity of standing forward as an advocate for tliQ Ubertjf 



WILLIAM PITT. 275 

tentioii to the subjects, it is feared gave birth to evi- 
dence not altogether clear, and exaggerated stories that 
would not otherwise have existed; Those who had no 
other merit than the acridt^nt of a temporary contine- 
nient in Cold Bath Fields, knew that misfortune was ^ 
a sure introduction to his excellent heart, and it is to 
be apprehended availed themselves accordingly. Thus 
was this prison, which miglit have been appropriated 
to the noblest ends, stamped with all the terrors of an 
inquisition — and thus was one of the best of men calum- 
niated, fur an attempt lo ameliorate the condition of 
those who could not help themselves, and a regard ffc;r 
our character as a civilized nation. 

Were we to attempt a description of the Cold Bath 
Fields prison, even from the narratives of those who 
have complained of its system (from which only we 



of the press. But he first distinguished himself in opposition to 
the suspension of the habeas corpus bill in the House of Com- 
mons: he afterwards denounced iMr. Aris and the discipline of 
theprison in Cold Bath Fields, and it was this latter circumstance 
that firuilly led to his declaring; himself a candidate for the repre- 
sentation of the countv of Middlesex ; and had it not been for 
some imprudent exwressionSj the new candidate would have been 
returned without opposition. 

A variety of election contests^ ho\vever> succeeded, which fall 
not within our plan, and the uliimate result of which was unsuc- 
cessful to the popular candidate. 

The paternal fortune of Sir Francis was ample; and about 
tight ^-ears ago, on the death of Lady JoneiJ, he came to the pos- 
session of a very large, unincumbered landed property in Wilt- 
shire. In pursuance of the will of the testatrix. Sir Francis was 
obliged to take the name of J «nes ; bit hy passing through cer- 
tain expensive legal cereinouies, h« was enabled to resume his 
family name. 



276 LIFE OF THE LATE 

know anything of its internal plan) it would be con- 
sidered as a defence of its obnoxious governor. To 
enter the lists on this behalf we have no inclination, 
yet we would advance a few ideas in the cause of truth. 
When we perceive the dreadhl situation to which all 
our institutions, whether learned or charitable, have 
indisputably degenerated, is it to be expected that those 
for the reception of persons whose misconduct has been 
supposed to exile them from society, should be infal- 
lible ? — Certainly not ; but let us then apply to com- 
parison, as the best mode of estimation. 

In the prisons of the metropolis, th.e few regulations 
that tend to prevent cruelty aixd disease, as in many 
ether instances, entirely lose their effect from the su- 
perficial manner in which they are executed. The ma- 
gistrates of the district make occasional inspections- 
for the purpose, but these are to be made in form 
and a previous intimation prepares the object ot it, 
for having once in several months, nothing to discom- 
mend. Kor are the views of those who inspect always 
directed to a ver}' strict scrutiny. Hence are the nu- 
merous places of confinement in the capital scenes of 
misery, disease, and insubordinate vice; whence those 
who are committed but for a trifling misdemeanour — 
a debt of a few shillings — or an inconsiderate affray; 
seldom returu uncontaminated, if not prepared for 
crimes. Here also unavoidably ogcur instances of op- 
pression and inattention at which the* feeling heart re- 
volts, wlnle filth, vermin, and abominable communica* 
tions are the common evils that surround every prisoner, 
Froui the very elevation of the building in Cold 
Bath Fields, these evils cannot take place to an extent 
by any means equal to the confined prisons oi the cap- 



-WILLIAM PITT. ^tt' 

pital and their ig little dotibt tbstt if any^of the unbap- 
py persons against va' horn all the accumulated dis- 
agreeables of the ^' Bast tie y^ have been combined, were 
left to the choice of a future c^nfeement, they would 
return to the subjection -©f Governor Aris, in^prefereaea 
to Newgate, Glerkenwell, or Tothill Fields. 

But the character of a state prison is everdbnexioss 
in a free nation ; and the power of secluding any citi- 
zen unlimitedly, without charge or trial, is not only 
unpopular but unjust. Yet locality and accident ap- 
pear to be the principal objections to this particular 
establishment, the complaints against which would per- 
perhaps be equally founded against any other prison 
in the world. 

The next and most important -attack upon the ad- 
-ministration, was on the subject of granting money 
to the Emperor of Germany and the Prince of Cond^, 
without the consent of parliament. A censure of 
ministers was the form assumed on the occasion. 
After Mr. Fox had introduced the motion, Mr.Fitt 
arose. He said, ** when t consider. Sir, the nature of 
the motion thkt is this day brought forward by the 
right honorable gentleman against his Majesty*s minis- 
ters, and the serious charge which it involves, I muet 
regard myself as particularly implicated in that charge, 
as possessing a particular share of resposibility in the 
conduct of that measure which is censured as a viola- 
lion of the constitution, and a breach of the privileges 
of this house, I have, hoAvever, in the discussion of 
this question, every thing to expect from the candour 
iiild justice of the house. An imputation of the most 
serious kind has been advanced against his Majesty's 
ministers ; but it is necessary that ^U which may bt 



2/8 LIFE OF THE LATE 

offered on both sides should be fairly heard, before 
any decision can take place. It is requisite that gen- 
tlemen should be in full possession of every important 
fact that can be adduced, before they hasten to a con- 
clusion, which necessarily involves it in matter of such 
weight and magnitude, v The house should clearly 
know the general principles on which it is to decide: 
it should know the grounds on which the theory of 
this part of the constitution is erected : it should also 
know what the particular instances are, in point of 
practice, that militate in a certain degree against the 
general principles : I say, Sir, when these considera- 
tions are once known, it will then be incumbent on the 
house to decide. But I trust it will not be denied, 
that until these points are completely and satisfactorily- 
ascertained, the house ought, with every view of pro- 
priety, to suspend its determination. It is no small 
object of satisfaction to me, that the full review of 
former precedents, with respect to the present motion, 
forms a chief ground of it. In such an application of 
facts I have considerable reason to be pleased, and I 
trust I shall clearly demonstrate, before I sit down, 
that former precedents concur in justifying the mea- 
sure which at this moment is so severely condemned. 

lam, however, not a little surprised to hear the 
language made use of by an honorable magistrate, 
(Alderman Combe,) who has declared that he has re- 
ceived instructionsi from his constituents to join in a 
vote of censure against his JNIajesty's ministers, for 
having supplied the emperor with money without the 
authority of parliament. There is, perhaps, not any 
question on which a member ought to allow the 
decided dictates of his own conscience and judgment 
to be superseded by the instructions of his constituents; 



WILLIAM PITT. 279 

b'jt if tliefe is any case in \vhich a member ought to 
be particularly anxious to preserve his right of private 
judgment, it is in the present instance, with respect to 
a criminal charge ; for I think it must be admitted, 
that it was impossible for the honorable gentleman's 
constituents to decide m a just and candid manner 
on the propriety of giving a vote on the motion, with 
the particulars of which they must be unacquainted, 
and more peculiarly as they must have been totally 
ignorant of the defence which his -Majesty's ministers 
meant to set up. I have, Sir, to caution the house 
against those constitutional doctrines v.hich have been 
maintained in former debates, and particularly on 
Thursday night last. But, without entering into a 
minute refutation of th-,m, or stating those which I 
conceive to be strictly just, 1 cannot help observing, 
that much is saved for my purpose ]>y the concessions 
which the right honorable gentleman himself (Mr. Fox) 
has made. I certainly do not wish to goad the right 
honorable gentleman into the former opinions be has 
at different times maintained : I am better content to 
take his present statements : I am better content with 
what I have heard from him to-day, and with those 
general principles which have fallen from him in sup- 
port of his motion. For as, on a former occasion, 
when the present subject was first started^ the interval 
of one night made him see the measure more in- 
flammatory than it really is; it now appears that a 
pause of a few days have duRinished his ideas of the 
inflammatory tendency, which, in his own opinion, it 
possessed. The right honorable gentleman has taken 
great pains to lay down the great constitutional prin- 
ciples with regard to pecuniary grants, and the use of 
2 A 2 



SSO L I F B OF T H £ LATE 

tliose grants* --I did not understand^ on a former niglit, 
that the honorable gentleman told us one- things, to 
AvlHch he said there was no exception, namely, that no 
cxpence couid be incurred without the consent of par- 
liament. I did not altogether subscribe to that doc- 
trine, and I vvili state, as nearly as possible, the very 
words of the argument I then used in answer. I argued 
that the practice of extraordinaries had been adopted 
a4> different periods of the history of the couatry^> at 
p:eriod& v/hich the honorable gentleman must natu- 
rally think the most approved, when he himself was- 
in the administration. Extraordinaries to a large 
amount, were used during the sitting of the parlia- 
ment, and parliament afterwards justified the act by 
a' vote. The honorable gentleman did then admit,, 
that he never could be supposed to have said that 
extraordinaries should not be used without the con-- 
sent of parliament, previously obtained ; but when 
iBiRister& have now adopted the same measures, the- 
propriety of which the honorable gentleman said, b«i 
could not be supposed to deny, yet such is his alarm, 
that he cannot feel himself justified in pausing a mo- 
ment oil the necessity of the actual condemnation o£ 
•ministers. 

However, Sir, it is enough for my purpose to admit, 
that, according to the fundamental principles of tha 
constitution, all grants must proceed from the com- 
mons; that they are afterwards subject to their con- 
trol, is a principle undeniable; but although the com- 
mons are possessed of the power of controlling tlie 
application of the supplies raised by them ; yet it is a 
circumstance proved to demonstration, by practice and 
general observation, that it would be impossible to 
carry on any wars, that it would be impossible for go- 



WILLIAM PITT. 281 

Ternment to proceed with due regard for the public 
service, if extraordinanes were not raised by parlia- 
ment. In point of practice it is evident they have 
been raised. Tiiose greac writers who have written on 
the subject previous to the revolution, prove that ex- 
traordinaries have ahvays been used from that period. 
I desire to refer to the practice of the whole of the 
succession of administrations from the days of King 
William down to the present time, when the principles 
of the constitution are become infinitely more definite, 
and when, owing to ambition on the part of France, 
pubhc expenses, and the transactions of finance, have 
attained a greater magnitude; and 1 ask, whether from 
that period down to the present, the practice of extra- 
ordinaries has not been recognised and admitted ? I 
do not mean of extraordinaries only, but of extraor- 
dinary services during the sitting of parliament. I do 
not date this as if there were only one or two solitary 
precedents, but as the uniform practice in all the wars 
in which this country has been engaged; and thai, 
during such wars, the extraordinanes have been pre- 
cisely of the description I have stated. Sir, our con- 
stitution is one which rests on great and leading 
principles, but still no one would wish that the consli- ^ 
tution should experience any injury by pushing those 
principles to a rigid and extreme excess. If we are 
to look into the record books of the constitution, we 
shall find certain principles laid down, which seem to 
contradict many acts of parliament, which are held as 
strictly legal. If we tx-d^mne the law of parhament* 
we shall find, that it is derived principally from the 
general tenor of the whole of the principles of ;he 
constitution, illustrated by the particular urgency and 
2 a 3 



^■S^ LIFI! OF THE LAf E 

necessity of circumstances. If this is the true way 
Avhich men ought to study the constitution, by applying 
the' principles of it to the exigency of cirtumstance^, 
let me repeat what I stated on a fotmer night, with 
lespect to the impossibility of the measdre being wrong', 
which vvas done in conformity to the best and rpost 
approved principles, as adapted to peculiar extents; 
and let me also ask^ how a: ilieasure can deserve to be 
loaded with obloquy and reproach, which, in truth, 
is- no more than has been the practice of every admi- 
nistration, at those periods when we have beteil most 
proud of the constitution ? I might retiiark, that the 
honorable gentleman in the course of his speech hasf 
admitted such to have been the practice, because he 
has himself acted upon it ; yet I must admit that the 
honorable gentleman, when he stated that such was the 
practice observed, that because extraordinaries xtefe 
consonant to\practice. it was no reason they should be 
extended so far, if it could possibly be avoided. The 
honorable gentleman, if I understand him right; by 
that very mode of argunnent, of the extension of the 
extraordinaries being attended with so much the more 
iT^ischief, does, in fact, admit the exception to tii# 
^principle which he charges me with having violated, 
and, in short, destro3^s in eiiect the very principle he 
Before admitted. He told us' that dvery extradMlriarJr 
s'fefvice involved the breach of the' pledge to satisfy 
former estirriates, by removing the means' of paying to 
some other service, li' his doctrines niean to infer, 
iMdt extraordinaries ought riot to be unneceslsarily ex- 
^t^iide'd, t cknnbt but perfectly coincide with him; but 
if Bis argument has for its object that of rendering ali 
evtrabtdinaries invidious, I hopei, in such case, I may 
he allowed to guard the house against the effects of 



attending too much to to})ics opposed to the very- 
same principles which he has before admitted. That 
extraordinaries are Hable to the future observation and 
control of parliament is true; but parliament has at 
all times felt, that it'is necessary, for the public safety, 
that ministers should have the power of ushig extra- 
ordinaries, vvithotit appealing to parliament, provided 
that power, and the means by which those extraordi- 
naries are incurred, are subject to future discussion. 

But it is not the question of extraordinaries only 
that arises. Parliament, finding the inipossibilit}^ of 
reducing every thing to estimated expenses, has infit)*- 
duced the practice of giving votes of credit, with the 
power, generally, to apply therii as exigences may re- 
quire. As far as it has been possibie to provide againsf 
extraordinaries, which always hitherto has' been im- 
practicable, every endeavftr has been exerted ; but it 
is a circumstance in which parliament lias certauily 
acted with great wisdoni, that it has not thought proper 
at any time to interfere with respect to the amount' of 
the sums which ministers might, think necessary for 
supplying the extraordinaries, but merely to make 
ministers responsible for the application of the sums, 
and the necessity of the extraordinaries to the pay- 
ment of which they are directed. Before I Say any 
ifibre, I vvill only observe, that it is not likeh; I should 
be one to dispute the propriety of the measure of pro- 
viding for the extraordinafifeg by the extent of the vote 
of credit, if such a thing could be adopted; I have 
often heard it a matter of reproach to me, that I 
endeavored to estiriiate every expence, and provide 
for it before hSrid. The votes of credit were always 
smaller in fonilelr wars than in the present. In the 
present war, I have add^d to the vote of credit other 



284 LIFE OF THE LATE 

provisions for the purpose of providing for the extra- 
ordinaries before hand ; I may therefore be considered 
as having done all in my power towards endeavoring 
to take the previous authority of parliament. What 
then do I say, that there is no difference between a 
vote of credit and extraordinaries ? As to the vote of 
credit, 1 conceive it to be a privilege granted to his 
Majesty's ministers, to employ a given sum to any 
such purpose as the exigency of the affairs shall require. 
There is no circumstance, however unforeseen, there 
is no purpose, be it what it may, no possible event, to 
which ministers may not think it requisite that a vote 
of credit is applicable; no expenses upon sudden 
emergencies, which do not come -within the spirit of a 
vote oi credit, subject, however, to that principle 
whicli I shall state. [Here Mr. Grey took notes of 
what feii from the Chancellor of the Exchequer.] I 
observe an honorable gentleman taking rotes of what 
1 have just mentioned, tmd by his manner he seems to 
express disapprobation. I only hope he will not inter- 
rupt me, till he has done me the honor to attend to 
the whole of what I have to say, when I have no 
doubt but that I shall be able to convince him I am 
right. Have 1 said that, because a vote of credit is 
applicable to every public service, there is no questioa 
of responsibility ? Have 1 said there is no principle of 
respect, of aitention, of deference to parliament? 1 
trust I have neither denied, nor at any one moment of 
my life have failed to shew, by my conduct, that such 
responsibility does e.xist. I know that for every ex- 
ercise of that discretion, regularly given by the act, 
founded upon the vote of credit, ministers are subject 
to the same responsibility as for the exercise of every 
olher discretion, which permanently belongs to them 



WILLIAM PITT* 285 

"as ministers of the crown, and whicli tb^y are bound 
to use for the safety, the welfare, and the dignity of 
the country; a discretion the more important, as it 
relates to the disposition of public money: and 1 trust 
parliament will not lose sight, that it is their duty to 
weigh those unforeseen difficulties on which alone. 
government can use the powers with which it is en- 
trusted. 

But, Sir, I do not mean, to stop here: I do not 
mean to say that government ought to be questioned 
as to the propriety of the measures it may think proper 
to recur to. I have admitted its liability to be cen- 
sured. I will admit, that if, at that time of using a 
vote of credit, ministers foresee any expenditure which 
appears likely to be of consequence, either with respect 
to its amount, or to the importance or peculiarity of 
the subject, if it admats of a precise estimate, and if 
the subject is of such a nature that it can be divulged 
without injury or inconvenience to the public, J should 
readily admit that that minister would fail in his duty 
to parliament, that he would not act according to the 
sound principles of what I believe to be the constitu- 
tion of the country, if he were not to state the nature 
of the emergency, and endeavour to estimate the ex- 
pence ; but if, from the nature of the exigency, it 
should be impolitic to divulge it, in that case, 1 con- 
ceive the minister justified who conceals it from parli- 
ament till a future season. By these principles, as to 
the general question, I am satisfied that my merits or 
demerits should be tried; if I have, in the opinion of 
the house, departed from the principles of the consti- 
tution, then Ihave committed an error in judgment: 
if through an error in judgment I have departed 



286 



LIFE OF THE LATE 



from the principles of the constitution, I adn:jit that 
I ought to receive the censure of the house, not- 
withstanding that error proceeded from my having 
felt it my irresistible duty, in common with the 
rest of his Majesty's ministers, to act upon principles 
which I conceived the best calculated to ensure the 
prosperity and advantage of the country. Let me not 
be supposed to admit what the honorable gentleman 
seems to assume as an instance of candour, namely, 
that he reserved the question, whether any degree of 
importance which might attach to the subject, could 
possibly be considered as an argument for concealing 
it, or that its importance could make any difference 
with regard to the estimate of its expense. Of the 
principle itself it is not material to say more ; but with 
respect to what the honorable gentleman has stated, I 
will make this observation. He has said that extr^ 
ordinaries are admitted on account of indispensible 
necessity, and that those extraordinaries are such a 
mischief, that he almost doubts whether they should 
be suffered at all. 1 will admit, that expense, be it 
Vi/hat it will, is indubitably objectionable, and that if 
the ex pence arises to a considerable sum, the objection 
is still stronger ; but the greater the expense, the 
higher is the advance on the responsibility of ministers, 
and the greater is the inducement for the house to vote 
to discharge those expenses. The only case has oc- 
curred which was in contemplation. If it should appear 
to the house, that in consequence of an unforeseen 
change of circumstances, the necessity of expenditure 
was increased; if it should appear that the only oppor- 
tunity had arrived, in which there was no alternative 
but that of relinquishing the cause in which thecounlrj 

i 



WILLIAM PITT. 287 

v;as engaged or advancing the responsibility of minis- 
ters ; if, 1 say, this should appear, is it a mark of can- 
dour in the honourable gentleman to desire that the 
drg«ncy only should be put out of the question ? 

Why then. Sir, as to the utility of the advance to 
the emperor, whether it could have been made in a 
more [)roper form ; whether by a previous application 
to parliament, it would not have been attended with a 
greater degree of inconvenience ; whether the advance 
was not made at a time the most critical that could 
possibly have occurred — these are the questions which 
1 shall shortly proceed to discuss. Bat assuming for 
the present, that there was a difficulty about the mode 
of doing it, what mode, under similar circumstances, 
would have been more eligible ? In this way it hasu 
heen tried, and has succeeded : by previously applying 
to parliament, it is doubtful whether it would have 
succeeded or not, I entreat gentlemen to recollect 
the situation of the emperor on the continent ; the si- 
tuation of this country, with respect to the prosecution 
of the war, or of its termination by a safe and honourable 
peace: I request them to look back to July or August 
last ; a period when we saw with regret and appre- 
hension the triumphant arms of the French Republic 
at the gates of M union, and the territorial possessions 
of the belligerent powers in danger of being wrested 
from them. When they look back to this period, let 
them at the same time contemplate the slow, firm, 
mea&nred and magnanimous retreat of the gallant Au- 
strian army, and the consequences which followed 
from a retreat only calculated ^to ensure the success of 
their future operations. Vvill they then ask themselves, 
dry as the question may be, when so animated a sub- 



^&8 LIFE OF THE LATE 

jrct is presented to the mind, how far the assurance of 
Ibe aid which this country was disposed to grant, may 
have invigorated the^pirit of a country making its ut- 
most efforts to resist an invading foe, how far it may 
Tiave given confidence to their resources, and enable 
them to prosecute that line of operations, which has 
been attended with such signal success? With these 
considerations in his view, is there any man who can 
regard as a matter of consequence, whether the ex- 
pence of 900,000/. or 1/200,000/. has been incurred by 
the country ? Is there any man who can question the 
propriety of the sum allotted for the object, andwoul4 
be willing for the sake of so paltry a saving, to give up 
our share in promoting a service, which has~ terminated 
-so honourably for the character of our allies and so 
beneficially for the general interests of Europe ? Who 
would not rejoice that he was admitted into partner- 
ship so illustrious, -and accompanied with such brilli- 
ant success ? 



Me credtte Lesbon, 



•Me Tenedon, Clr.ysenque, et Cyll-aa Apolliuis urbes, 
Et Scjron cepisse. Mea concussaputrtte 
Procubuisse s»io Ljrnessia nioenia dextra. 

We have besides to consider, that v/hatever in tl>is 
ia&tanee has been given, has only been 'lent to a 
power whom we have no reason to distrust. Even if a 
sum had been given to a much larger amount, it would 
surely have been amply repaid by the success which 
has attended the exertions of our allies, and the im-^ 
portant advantages' which -have been gained to the 
common cause. In the course of discussion on this sub- 
jf^ct; frequent mention has been made of the opinioa of 



WILLIAM PITT, 289 

the public* The public are not so dead, nor so insen- 
sible, as either to be ignorant of the i?d vantages which 
have been obtained, or ungrateful tov;ards those to 
whose gallant exertions they are indebted on the pre- 
sentoccasion. There is not a man, even the meanest 
individual in the country, who will not feel himself re- 
paid for the small quota which he will be required to 
bring forward in aid of the public service, by the im- 
portant benefits which have been secured to the general 
interests of Europe. There is not, I will venture to 
say, an Englishman who does not feel the most ardent 
sympathy with the magnanimity, the resources, tiie 
spirit and perseverance which have been displayed by 
Austria in her recent exertions, and who does not re- 
joice that the contributions of England have been 
brought forward in aid of operations which have been 
equally marked by their gallantry and success. I will 
not think so ill of the good sense of my countrymen, 
as to suppose they can regret ajiy trifling expence, 
which has been the means of obtaining such signal ad- 
vantages. The question alone is, whether there is any 
doubt of its necessity, and whether the service would 
have been performed by a previous statement to par- 
liament. 

*' Here, Sir, let me state to this house, or rather re- 
peat what I have shortly stated on a former night. The 
bouse will recollect, that from the principlts on which 
I conceive a government should act, it never could 
have been in my contemplation, or that of his Majesty's 
ministers,, under the vote of credit, to propose advanc- 
ing the whole of the sum which turned out to be ne- 
cessary for the emperor. That it was not my intention, 
is proved by this circumstance, that at the very period 

NO. 19. 2 B 



290 LIFE OF THE LATE 

of proposing the vote of credit, a reserve was expressly 
made for a loan to be specifically brought forward, and 
submitted to parliament, to a much larger amount 
than tlie vote of credit. What inference do I wish to 
draw from this ? First of all, that it is a pretty clear 
and evident proof, that it in reality appeared, by the 
Austrians being so much in want, that his Majesty's 
ministers had an impression of the necessity of assist- 
ing the emperor. Could they have any motive to hold 
out a loan, if there was no such thing in agitation ? 
What view could any government have in stating the 
necessity of an Austrian loan, if they did not see 
the occasion for one ? When we asked for a vote of 
credit, it was plain we were not asking for a vote of 
credit for services unforeseen, but that we intended to 
apply it as it has been applied. Gentlemen will re- 
collect, that on the first loan of eighteen millions, it 
was stated as uncertain the precise time it would be 
called for ; that the precise time depended on the re- 
sult of an intercourse between his Majesty and the em- 
peror, without which it was impossible to settle the 
extent of it. But it is true, I felt that, in consequence 
ofthe extraordinary extent of the drain of money, some 
time would be necessary before the influx of trade 
would be such as to render a measure of that kind 
practicable in its execution, or safe in its impression ; 
for of all subjects, that which relates to credit, or the 
stagnation of money, the delicacy of which every man 
knows, is that in which it is necessary to be particularly 
circumspect. Now, how does this stand ? I was 
sanguine that a much shorter interval would have di- 
minished the scarcity. Afterwards at a much later 
period, I found that it would be impossible to bring 



WILXIAM PITT. 29i 

forward the loan. Under this impression, I did not 
think it advisable to take the step I have taken, a 
short time previous to the end of the last parliament. 
How far that can be fairly imputed to me as a crime, 
is a question I shall have occasion to discuss. How- 
ever, this is the first principle of my defence, that when 
the campaign was advancing, so that the emperor could 
not wait for any proof of the reality of his hopes of an 
increase of pecuniary supply, in conformity to what 
had been done before, and according to principle^ 
recognized by parliament, I thought it expedient, for 
the success of his armies, to send the maans of repelling 
the enemy. 

'* The principal question is, whether this measure has 
deprived you of anything you possessed ? wliether any 
disadvantage has been the consequence of it, so as ta 
make our situation more embarrassed now than it 
would have been some months ago, by a loan taking 
place ? I believe the situation of mercantile men, and 
the pecuniary state of the country, is more favourable 
now than they were at the periods when the several 
remittances to the emperor were issued. This 1 state 
not merely on the suggestions of any particular mem- 
ber of this house, not merely in consequence of any 
discovered public opinion; but I state it on evident 
grounds of reason. Nor can 1 for a moment suppose 
that the members of this house, or that the public will 
long suspend the delegation of their assent to a mea- 
sure founded equally in the justice and expediency of 
the motives which gave it birth. But however this 
may be, I have on this occasion the satisfaction of 
knowing thatl am not stating my own sentiments only, 
but also those of the persons who were the contractorvS 
2 B 2 



592 LIFE OB' THE LATE 

for the last loan. The contractors for that loan tberrj- 
selves felt then, and have since communicated to me, 
the inconveniences that had resulted to commerce in 
general from the immense but necessary drains in the 
money market. They had felt that any specific pro- 
position to guarantee a fresh loan to the emperor would 
have sensibly affected the money market : v/ould have 
depreciated the funds, and depressed the public credit. 
Had I upon that occasion adopted the mode of a pub- 
lic loan ; had I come to parliament, when parliament 
first sat to deliberate on public measures ; had I, while 
the necessities of the empire and the dearest interests 
of Europe depended in some measure, the one for re- 
lief, il}e other for preservation, on the remittance of 
certain {tortious of that sum of 1,200,000/.; — had I 
in that eventful crisis done any thing that might, in its- 
ultimate cciisequencesj increase the difficulties of that 
a'-y, eiidunger and rit^k the liberties of Europe, what, 
[el nie ask, would have been the language of the ho- 
nourable gentleman, who has this night censured my 
conduct, and made it the subject of a specific motion ? 
i repeat it, the persons best acquainted with the mo- 
ney market were at the periods I have mentioned, 
deeply impressed with a sense of its growing embar- 
rassment, and seriously felt the inconveniencies necessa- 
rily concomitant to a state of warfare. They felt those 
inconveniencies, but they more than felt the justice of 
the contest which had operated as the cause of them. 
In their opinion the pecuniary situation of the country 
was such as would have rendered the public avowal 
of any loan to the emperor extremely impolitic, and 
by an ill-time i discussion of its propriety, have produc- 
ed those evilsT have in part detailed. To theml sub- 



WILLIAM PITT, 29s 

mitted whether a public loan would be prudent insucU 
^■'ircumstances, but they were unanimous in their pre- 
ference of the adopted mode. A proof this, that I 
could have no intention to violate the constitution. 
That I had not hastily and immaturely adopted the 
alternative ; that I made those preliminary arrange- 
ments ; that my enquiries on the subject were as gene- 
ral and earnest as I have this night avowed, is well 
known not only to the individuals with whom I con- 
sulted, but aho to my colleagues in the ministry. 1 ap- 
peal without fear of being contradicted, I appeal to 
those in my confidence, w^hether such were, or such 
were not my sentiments, whether such was or was not 
ray conduct on that occasion ? At this time the situa- 
tion of the empire was so peculiar, that his Majesty's 
servants could not but have a strong and influencing 
sense of the impropriety of aUbrding publicly the aid 
that situation so much required. The arms of the 
French republic were victorious in almost every quar- 
ter, the empire threatened with destruction-, and Eu* 
rope with ruin. This was 1 own the reverse of our 
once favourable hopes: from the exertions of that ally 
our expectations had been dift'erent; but could an^ 
temporary reverse of circumstances justify a measure 
that must have entailed on that ally a permanent mis- 
chief? Surely we, who had considered ourselves en- 
titled to shar^ in the good fortune of the arms of Au- 
stJ-ia, would not justly have separated our interests in- 
her adversity. Surely that ally, of whose good faith- 
and candour, of whose steady attachment to the princi- 
ples of the alliance we bad. 50 m^ny and such splendid 
proofs ; that ally,, who had. almost singly resisted the 
progress cfan lfli|jetu«>us and enthusiastic enemy ; yes^, 
2^3. 



294 LIFE OF THE LATE 

the house of Austria eminently merited our confidence 
and our esteem.— But these were not enough. The 
empire was in actual danger ; her treasury exhausted ; 
and many of her princes forced to abandon her defence. 
It was in this conjuncture that his ]\iajest\''s servants, 
faithful at least to their sense of the danger, afforded to 
Germany that assistance which I am proud to say had 
been in a great measure the means of saving, not only 
that particular empire, but a vast portion of Europe. 
Actuated by these considerations, thus hurried by ex- 
isting necessities, to adopt a particular measure, I flat- 
ter myself few who hear me will in the end fail to dis- 
cover, that the act itself, even supposing it to be un- 
cunsritutional, could not be the result of a deliberate 
intention to violate acts of parliament. 

'' The right honourable gentleman has supposed that 
the measure w^as novv brought forward under cover of 
the Austrian successes ; but I have to remind that right 
jionourable gentleman, and the house, that the resolu- 
tion of his Majesty's ministers, to assist the emperor, 
was not taken under the flattering phantom of delusive 
glory, not because the house of Austria was resuming, 
under the auspices of one of its illustrious members, its 
former spirit, and had regained its ardour; not because 
the French had been forced to abandon some places, 
and retreat from others in the German dominions ; but 
because tlieir resolution was taken when ministers 
felt that they had an opportunity of giving to the em- 
peror, Europe, and the country the best pledge of their 
sincerity, of their attention to their interests, of their 
individual integrity, and collective force. The resolu* 
tion was not taken without contemplation of the risk, 
it was not undertaken without ixiaturely consideri^ig 
„ 5 



WILLIAM PITT. 2,9ir 

every relation in which it could possibly connect itself 
with the constitution. It was not undertaken in defi- 
ance of law, nor made a solitary exception to all for- 
mer usage. It was not undertaken to cripple our 
finances, nor had it either prospectively, or retrospec- 
tively, anyone thing in common with a deliberate in- 
sult to the house. But it was undertaken in a way^ 
and upon an emergency which warranted the measure. 
Even the measure was warranted by the former opi- 
nions of my adversaries; but especially by the then 
and the present opinion of monied men. 1 shall per- 
haps be asked what is the difference between a loan 
in the manner that loan was transacted, and a loan 
granted in the old and popular way ? What the differ- 
ence between the direct and avowed disbursement of 
the public money, and an indirect and concealed dis- 
bursement ? The former 1 shall, perhaps, be told, 
must have decreased the pecuniary resources of the 
country equally with the latter ; and have lessened 
though in a secret manner, the general means of com- 
mercial security. But to this 1 cannot concede, be- 
cause the reverse has been the fact. The fact has been, 
that by remitting money to the emperor in that season of 
difficulty, of doubt and danger, his Majesty's ministers 
have rendered less doubtful the prospects of a safe and 
honourable peace. Had ministers on that occasion, 
after being convinced themselves of the necessity and 
justice of such assistance, and during the recess of 
parliament, delayed the adoption of that conduct 
they have pursued, instead of affording to the emperor^ 
the enemy, and Europe, a proof of superior wisdom, 
and superior resources, it would be a proof of the want 
of both, by giving the money publicly. By discussing 



296 LIFE OF THE LATE 

the subject in parliament at the earliest period, if such 
a discussion could b'e entered into, not only public cre- 
dit would have been injured, but you would have told 
the enemy that your difficulties obliged you to stint 
the acknowledged wants of your allies. To those who 
thought worse of our resources than I did, to the pub- 
lic mind in general, such a measure in such a crisis,, 
would, I know, have been a cause not of rejoicing but 
of sorrow ; not a source of pleasure but of pain. Every 
man who wished well to bis country, every man sincere- 
ly attached to the principles of the constitution, instead 
of approving of that assistance being afforded originally 
as a loan, would have said, * No, do not commit your- 
self to your ally, so as to make your necessities a test 
of his/ If, instead of endeavouring to poise and re- 
move the difficulty, as I have done, this house had sa 
passed a public loan, such must have been the conse- 
quence. T am certain that had parliament been ac- 
quainted with the danger of our ally, and had even de- 
termined to give the necessary assistance, the publicity 
of the measure would have defeated the object. So 
that whether we had or had not been reduced to the 
alternative of refusing assistance altogether, the event 
must have produced collateral mischiefs. I may,, there* 
fore, I tliink, ask, ought you to yield to the pressure of 
temporary difficulty, and abandon your ally at a mo- 
ment when such a step may be decisive of his fate? 
Ought you, on the other hand, completely to pledge 
yourselves to grant a pecuniary assistance which, in the 
iirct instance, may be attended with considerable in- 
convenience, and the influence on which, in the future 
course of events, you are unable to ascertain ? Pledges 
of aid, and of instant aid, his Majesty's servants had; 



WILLIAM PITT. 297 

already seen good reason to give to the emperor. 
These pledges had been given long before the meeting 
of parliament, and might justly be considered as very 
eminently conducive to every measure and every suc- 
cess which has been since adopted and experienced. It 
is, I know, one among the grounds on which the right 
honourable gentleman has bi ought his accusation, that 
a part of the money was sent previously to the meeting 
of parliament, and another ground, that money has 
been sent since its meeting. I own the advance to the 
emperor consists of sums sent since the meeting of the 
present parliament ; but I do contend, that the pledges 
of these sums were the means by which the house of 
Austria endured adversity, and retrieved its prosperity. 
Had the emperor in July and August last, had no as- ~ 
surance of 3^our assistance, 1 will not say we should 
have been at this moment a ruined people, but I v;iil 
say, that the pecuniary security ofEngland and the ter- 
ritorial security of Austria, had been diminished, if not 
Htterly destroyed. 

" On a former night an honorable friend of mine, 
used as an argument, the effect which he thought a 
public discussion of the measure would have to depre- 
ciate the credit of the country; and I ov.n I have not 
yet heard any thing that could induce me to think dif- 
ferently on that subject. The effect of a knowledge of 
the pecuniary distresses of the Emperor, joined to the 
difficulty which a prompt supply would have produced, 
could not fail to bear with peculiarly embarrassing 
weight on the course of exchange. Whereas the trans- 
mission of the su^^i of 1,200,0001. in different sums, 
and at different periods, tended greatly to relieve the 
Emperor, and preserve the credit of this country froiu 



298 LIFE OF THE LATE 

that de{:>ression which the same sum granted at dtice, 
and in the form of a pubhc loan, would have occasion- 
ed ; I need not, therefore, enumerate the particular 
dates of those bills. Our assurance to Austria was not 
confined to the meeting of parliament, not subjected to 
the delays of several months of recess, but it was given 
with reference to every situation of difficulty or danger 
in which the arms of the Emperor might be placed by 
the resistance to the arms of France. When the 
Austrian troops were retreating from their severe and 
glorious combat with the French republicans, they 
surely merited every assistance this country could 
afford them; but when, in the career of a brilliant 
series of the most splendid victories, those gallant men 
were urged by their emulation of the intrepidity of 
their invincible officers to acts of unparalleled prowess, 
his Majesty's servants found themselves called upon, 
most particularly called upon, to aid and promote 
their views, to soften their calamities, and to afford 
them means of securing their important conquests. 0« 
the conviction of the propriety of these sentiments, 
and of such conduct, it was, that the king's ministers 
had acted. Of the number of those who had been 
guided by these sentmients, I, Sir, certainly was one, 
not the least active to provide, nor I trust, the least 
vigilant to manage prudently that pecuniary stimului^ 
which, during the recess, and at other periods, was 
given to the arms of the empire. Our conduct, there- 
fore. Sir, does not respect the months of October, of 
November, nor December in particular; but it had a 
clear and unerring relation to every crisis and circum- 
stance, to every moment of danger. In truth, the acts 
themselves, were acts performed distinctly iu com- 



WILLIAM PITT. 299 

pliance with solemn engagements; they were acts in 
execution of pledges which had been previously given. 
Acting during the recess from the conviction that these 
pledges were given by the letter and the spirit of the 
existing treaties, acting after the parliament was met 
under the sanction of these treaties, with no intention 
then, and surely none now, of setting up their own 
judgment as the standard of, or superior to the judg- 
ment of the House of Commons, ministers, I think, 
may be permitted to avail themselves of the exceptions 
of all similar conduct. As to the transaction itself, no 
separation could fairly be made of the necessity which 
^ave existence to the measure, and the motives which 
influenced its adoption. Even supposing the judgments 
of parliament could have been taken, the state of Ger- 
many was such, as could not have left gentlemen one 
moment to their doubts, whether or no it was proper 
to assist the Emperor. What ministers have done in 
pursuance of their pledge, was, however, done in a 
great measure before parliament could have assembled 
to consider of its expediency. Of the nature and effect 
of the services performed by the Emperor, gentlemen 
may very readily judge. They have them recorded in 
the annals of very recent periods, annals the most 
brilliant, perhaps, in the history of the world. Thus, 
whether we judge of the services of Austria in whole, 
or only in part, I think gentlemen must concede to me, 
that the services of the last three months have been, 
at least, such as merit our particular approbation. Oii. 
this part of the subject 1 have, therefore, at present, 
scarcely any thing more to remark. I have, in the i 
best manner I am able, stated to the house the cir- 
cumstance of that situation which rendered it impos- 
sible for Austria to continue her warlike operation^ 



SOO LIFE OF THE LATE 

without assistance from this country. I have likewise 
endeavored to render my own conceptions of the send- 
ing money to an ally without the previous consent of 
parliament. 

" As to the question of extraordinaries, I have heard 
the idea suggested, and something like an argument 
attempted to be deduced from it, that if its spirit be 
adhered to, no part of a vote of credit can be employ- 
ed to pay foreign troops. I have heard too, that of 
isuch an application of the public money so voted, our 
annals scarcely aftbrd any, and if any, not apposite 
precedents. Sir, I think I can instance a number of 
precedents of this kind; I can instance to this house, 
and for the information of the right honorable gentle* 
man, that votes of credit were appropriated by our 
ancestors to the payment of foreign troops. In times 
before the revolution, but of those times gentlemen 
seem unwilling to say much, in the reign immediately 
before the revolution, this very thing had been done 
by the crown; but, Sir, in periods subsequent to the 
revolution, in periods not the least favored in our 
annals, although certainly not altogether free from the 
stains of calumny, but especially of party vioJence, in 
tlie reign of King William in the year 1701, accompa- 
nied by circumstances of a singularly important and 
curious nature, the parliament voted an extra sum for 
the payment of foreign forces. I'liis sura was voted 
not regularly as a vote of credit, but it succeeded the 
granting of a vote of credit, and was a measure 
which, although it occasioned some trifling opposition, 
was carried unanimously. Such was the conduct of 
our ancestors at the revolution. In the reign of Queen 
Anne, a reign reprehended undoubtedly by some, a 
reign which had unhappily encouraged, if not occa- 



WILLIAM PITT. 301 

sioned and fomented those differences which rendered 
the Tories so implacable against the Vv'higs; in that 
reign, thus chagrined by the persecutions, sanguinary 
persecutions, but latterly, and I will confess with not 
less cruelty, begun and continued by the Tories : in 
this reign, and in the years 1704 and 1705, both sub- 
sidies andgrantshad'i been employed in paying foreign 
forces. This too was done without the authority of 
parliament. In 1706, a transaction more directly 
characteristic of this, for which the ministers of the 
present day are censured, was pubhcly avowed, and 
as publicly discussed ; yet it seems the right honor* 
able gentleman had overlooked it. This at least seems 
to be the case; or, if known, he certainly ought to 
have abandoned his assertion. There is to be met with 
in the annals of the parliament of that day, an account 
of three different sums, each considered, by the oppo- 
sition of that day, as violations of the constitution — a 
remittance to the Duke of Savoy, to the Emperor, and 
to Spain. A sum too had been paid in the same man- 
ner to the Landgrave of Hesse for a corps of his troops 
then in the pay of England. All these sums were not 
voted regularly after the specific propositions submitted 
for that purpose to the house, but were remitted to 
those sovereigns without the previous consent of par- 
liament; Not even estimates of the services, for which 
the sums had been paid, were laid before the house 
till six weeks after its meeting. The sum sent to the 
Emperor was peculiarly distinguished, — it had been 
transmitted, not at the close, not during the recess of 
that session in which it was first announced to parlia- 
ment, but before the end of the preceding session. 
These proceedings did certainly attract the notice of 
NO. 19, 2€ 



S02 LIFE OF THE LATE 

the House of Commons, and the public bad been ad- 
dressed on the unconstitutionality of the measure; 
then, as now, there had been employed every effort 
which ingenuity could suggest ; every vehicle of public 
communication rendered a vehicle of asperity and 
censure on the conduct of ministers. It became the 
subject of a solemn discussion — a discussion, appa- 
rently not less vehement than it was labored and pro- 
fuse. But how, Sir, did the ministers of that day retire 
from the combat ? Did they retire overwhelmed with 
virulence and abuse, the censure of the discerning and 
temperate members of that parliament ? Or were those 
tlicir actions, distinguished by the approbation of the 
commons of Great Britain ? Sir, the minister of that 
day had the satisfaction to set the attack of his 
adversaries repelled, and their expressions of censure 
changed to approbation. That minister. Sir, heard 
his conduct applauded, and the journals of this house 
were made to bear record that the sense of its mem- 
bers was, that the sums advanced to the Emperor on 
that occasion had been productive, not only of the 
preservation of the empire, but had also supported 
and maintained the interests of Europe. In the year 
3 718, in the beginning of the reign of George the First, 
an instance of the application of the public money 
occurred, which, though not so analogous as the last, 
I think it right to mention. A message had been re- 
ceived from his Majesty, soliciting the aid of the com- 
mons to make such an augmentation of the actual 
forces of the country as might be deemed necessary to 
place it in a respectable state of defence; and that 
because there had been an appearance of an invasion, 
— At 'this time his Majesty takes Dutch troops int« 



WILLIAM PITT. 303 

his pay, and the money voted to raise and maintain 
ijative troops, is disbursed for the use of a foreign 
corps. It is true this body of Dutch troops were 
landed in England, and their services conMned to it ; 
but not even these affected much the apphcation of the 
fact as a precedent. However, Sir, in ?he year 1734, 
a period nearer bur own times, a general vote of credit 
was granted. That vote of credit was appHed on such 
occasions, and for such purposes as might at any time 
during its existence, arise out of the exigencies of the 
time. On the ] 8lh of February of the subsequent 
year, a vote of credit was also granted, and a treaty 
concluded with Denmark. And, Sir, if 1 have not 
totally misconceived the passage of our parliamentary 
history where these facts are stated, this last, as well 
as the vote of credit immediately preceding it, was ap- 
plied to purposes in their nature not unlike those to 
which necessity impelled ministers of the present day 
to apply the vote of I? §6. It might also refer gentle- 
men, to another instance of an advance to foreign 
troops. An advance to the Duke of Arenberg, com- 
mander of the Austrian forces, in the year 174-2, was 
noticed in debate and censured in the administra- 
tion of Mr. Pelham — a name as dear to the friends of 
constitutional liberty, as perhaps any that could be 
mentioned; but the enquiry was avoided by moving 
the previous question. It happened, however, that 
not long after, the same question was made the subject 
of a specific discussion. . It appeared that the advance 
b^d been made under the authority of an assurance 
expressed by Lord Carteret, and not in consequence of 
any previous consent of parliament; but it appeared 
also that the progress of the Austrian troops was 
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304 LIFE OF THE LATE 

considerably accelerated by the influence of that aid, 
and their subsequent successes owing chiefly to it. 
The vote of censure, therefore, which had been founded 
on the act of Lord Carteret, was amended, and the 
advance declared necessary to the salvation of tlie 
empire. Bui, Sir, let us compare the crisis of 1796 
with that 1787, when the expenses incurred by our 
endeavours to protect Holland were recognized under 
the head of secret services. This too was an unani- 
mous recognition of the act which, had it been the 
offspring of l79^y the right honourable gentleman, in« 
£uenced by his new opinions, would, I have no doubt, 
marked with his disapprobation; but so stood the fact 
then. 

** The members who sat in the last parliament have 
not forgot that when a loan of four millions and a half 
^vas proposed to be granted to the emperor, the inten- 

^ tion of granting that loan was known as early as Fe- 
bruary 1795. A message had been received from his 

^ Majesty, stating that a negociation was pending with 

• the emperor to maintain 200,000 men. The loan to 
be granted when the negociation succeeded, and when 

'■ it failed to be mentioned. Soon^after the answer to this 

'message was communicated to the throne, a motion 
was made for an account of 250,000/. advanced to the 

c emperor in May, 179^; and again a similar motion 
was made for an account of g00,000/. also advanced 

- to the emperor in the month of May following. With 
respect to these sums, it was agreed by the house be- 
fore the loan was debated, that they might afterwards 
' be made good out of the loan. This, Sir, 1 have stated 
to shew that the members who sat in the last parlia- 
■ ment cannot be altogether ignorant of the principles oi 



WILLIAM PITT. 305 

the constitution. After the negociation was concluded, 
the loan was debated; the house was divided, but no 
objection was made to these advances. On the sub^ 
ject of the Prince of Conde's army being supplied with 
money by this country, I can only say, that whatever 
sums that army has, as yet received, have been paid, 
on account of services rendered, as forming a part of 
the Austrian forces. The circumstances of a part of 
the 1,200,000/. stated as being sent to the emperor, 
being afterwards received in this country in part pay- 
ment of the interest due on the second Austrian loan, 
IS also clearly accounted for, these payments, on ac- 
count of b^ing in their nature the same, as if the em- 
peror, instead of being so accommodating to himself 
as to pay the money, by his agent, on the spot, had 
ordered it to be sent to Vienna, and transmitted by 
the same post to this court. 

" I may now, Sir, I think be permitted to ask, on 
what principle of justice a criminal charge can be 
brought againss me for merely having followed the 
uniform tenor of precedent, and the established line of 
practice ? By what interpretation of a candid and 
liberal mind can I be judged guilty of an attempt wan- 
tonly to violate the constitution ? 1 appeal to the right 
honourable gentleman himself, who is not the last 
to contend for the delicacy which ought to be used in 
imputing criminal motives to any individual, and To 
urge in the strongest terms the attention which ought 
to be shewn to the candid an impartial administration 
of justice. In what country do we live ? and bv whal 
principle are we to be tried ? By the maxims of natural 
justice and constitutional law, or by what new code 
of some revolutipnary tribunal? Not longer than a 
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306 LIFE OF THE LATE 

year and a half since, the same principle was adopted, 
, and suffered to pass without ;^..ny animadversion ; and 
now, a crisis of ten-fold importance, and where the 
measure has not outrun the exercise of a sound dis- 
cretion, it is made the foundation cf a criminal charge. 
We are accused with a direct and wanton attack upon 
the constitution. It is not supposed that we have been 
actuated by any but the blackest and most malignant 
motives. We are not allowed the credit of having 
felt any zeal for the interest of our country, nor of 
those advantages which the measure has produced to 
the common cause. 

" 1 have now weighed the whole merits of the trans- 
action before the house, and with them I am well con- 
tent to leave the decision. While we claim a fair 
construction on the principles and intentions which 
have guided our conduct, if it shall appear that it has 
in the smallest instance: deviated from any constitu- 
tional principle, we must submit to the consequence, 
whatever be the censure or the punishment. It is our 
duty according to the best of our judgment to consult 
;ibr the interest of the country; it is your sacred and 
peculiar trust to preserve inviolate the principles of 
the constitution. I throw myself upon your justice, 
prepared in every case to submit to your decision; 
but with considerable coEfidence, that I shall expe- 
Tience your approbation. If I should be disappointed, 
I will not say that the disappointment will be heavy, 
..and the mortification severe; at any rate however it 
will to me be matter of consolation, that I have not 
' from any apprehension of personal consequences, 
neglected to pursue that line of conduct which I con- 
ceive to be essential to the interests of the country and 



WILLIAM PITT. 307 

of Europe. But while I bow with the most perfect 
submission to the determination of the house, I can- 
not but remark on the extraordinary language which 
has been used on this question. Ministers have been 
broadly accused with a wanton and a malignant desire 
to violate the constitution : it has been stated that no 
other motive could possibly have actuated their con- 
duct. If a charge of such malignant intention had 
been brought against men who have affirmed the pre- 
sent war to be neither just nor necessary, and who on 
that ground cannot be supposed friendly to its success; 
who have extolled, nay, even exulted in the prodigies 
of French valour; who have gloried in the successes 
of the foes of civil liberty, the hostile disturbers of the 
peace of Europe, men who blasphemously denied the 
existence of the Deity, and who had rejected and 
trampled on every law, moral and divine; who have 
exclaimed against the injustice of bringing to trial 
persons who had associated to overawe the legislature; 
those who very gravely and vehemently asserted, that it 
was a question of prudence, rather than a question of 
morality, whether an act of the legislature should be 
resisted ; those who were anxious to expose and 
aggravate every defect of constitution, to reprobate 
every measure adopted for its preservation, and to 
obstruct every proceeding of the executive govern^ 
ment to ensure the success of the contest in which 
we were engaged in common with our allies ; I say, if 
such a charge of deliberate and deep-rooted malignity 
were brought against persons of this description, I 
should conceive that even then the rules of candid and 
charitable interpretation would induce us to hesitate in 
admitting its reality; much more when it is brought 
against individuals; whose conduct; I trust, has ex- 



SOS LIFE OF THE LATE 

hibited the reverse of the picture I have now drawn. 
I appeal to the justice of the house, I rely on their 
candour; but, to gentlemen who can suppose minis- 
ters capable of those motives which have been im- 
puted to them on this occasion, it must be evident that 
I can desire to make no such appeal." 

The difference of opinion in Mr. Pitt at different 
times with regard to reform in parhament, has excited 
such attention as to give peculiar interest to his speech 
on the subject when proposed by Mr. Grey, afterwards 
Lord Howick. The question coming on the 26th 
of May, 1797, Mr. Pitt delivered himself as fol- 
lows: — *' Feeling, Sir, as I do, the danger with which 
the present proposition is attended, upon the grounds 
upon which it has been supported, and in the circum- 
stances in w^hich it has been brought forward, I am 
very desirous, as early as possible, in the debate, to 
state the reasons by w^hich I am determined to give it 
my most decided opposition. The honourable gen- 
tleman who introduced the motion, began with dis- 
claiming very distinctly, and as far as he went very 
satisfactorily, all those abstract principles of impre- 
scriptible right, all those doctrines of the rights of 
man, which those without doors, who are most eager 
in their professions of attachment lo the cause which 
he now supports, rest the propriety of their demand, 
and upon which alone th^y would be contented with 
any species of parliamentary reform. The honour- 
able gentleman denies the truth of that principle which 
prescribes any particular form of government, as that 
which is essential to freedom ; or that universal suf- 
frage is necessary to civil liberty; or that it must even 
depend upon that light which the revolution of France 



WILLIAM PITT. 309 

has let in upon the world, and from which he derives 
hopes of such great advantage to the general happiness 
of mankind. But, in disclaiming these views of the 
question, and in placing it upon the footing of the 
practical benefit it was hkely to produce* the honour- 
able gentleman did not state all the considerations by 
which the conduct of a wise statesman was to be re- 
gulated, and the judgment of an upright senator to be 
guided. The question was not merely, whetlier some 
alteration might or might not be attended with advan- 
tage; but it is the degree of advantage which that 
alteration is hkely to effect, in the shape in which it is 
introduced; the mischief which may be occasioned 
from not adopting the measure, and the chance, on 
the other hand, of producing by th© alteration an eiFect 
upon those to whom you give way, very different from 
that which induced you to hazard the experiment. 
These are the considerations upon which the subject 
ought to embrace, and the views upon which impartial 
men must decide. 

" Before we adopt the conclusions of the right ho« 
nourable gentleman, we have a right, it is even im« 
posed upon us as a duty, to take in our view as a 
leading object, what probability there is by encou- 
raging the particular mode of attaining that union, or 
of effecting that separation of friends of moderate re- 
form, and the determined enemies to the constitution, 
which they conceive it probable to produce; we must 
consider the danger of introducing an evil of so much 
greater magnitude than that we are nov/ desirous to 
repair; and how far it is prudent to give an opening 
for those principles which aim at nothing less than the 
tot^l annihilation of the whole constituUon* The learned 



310 Life of the late, 

gentlenian who seconded the motion said, that those 
who formerly supported parliamentary reform had 
sown the seeds of that eagerness for parliamentary re- 
form, which was now displayed^ and of the principles 
on which it was now pressed; he thinks that those, 
who had ever supported the cause of parliamentary 
reform upon grounds of practical advantage, must not 
oppose those who have nothing in common with them, 
but the name of reform, making that the cause for 
subjects widely different, in order to support that pre- 
tence which they assume upon principles diametrically 
opposite to those upon which the true friends to the 
cause of reform ever proceeded. Will the honourable 
gentleman who made, or the learned gentleman who 
seconded the motion, say that those men who contend 
as an indispensible point for universal suffrage ; — that 
those who bold doctrines, which go to the extinction 
of every branch of the constitution, because they think 
it convenient to avail themselves of the pretence of 
parliamentary reform, as the first step towards the at- 
tainment of their own views, and as facihtating their 
progress; — that those who, though they condescended 
to take advantage of the co-operation of those who 
support the cause of reform in this house, yet have 
never applied to parliament, and who would not even 
receive as a boon, what they contend for as a right ; 
can it seriously be said, tliat such men as these have 
embarked in the cause, or have proceeded on the prin- 
ciples of those, who upon far different grounds, and 
for far different objects, have moved this important 
question ? Will they say, that those men have adopted 
the principle, or followed the course of those who for- 
merly have agitated the cause of reform, who have 



WILLIAM PITT. Sll 

avowedly borrowed their political creed from the doc- 
trines of the Rights of Man-, from the writings of 
Thomas Paine, from the monstrous and detestably 
system of the French jacobins and affiliated societies, 
from that proud, shallow^ and presumptuous philo- 
sophy, which, pretending to communicate new lights 
to mankind, has carried tiieoretical absurdity higher 
than the wild imaginations of the most extravagant 
visionaries ever conceived, and carried practical evil 
to an extent which no age nor history has equalled ?, 
Will it be said, that those men pursued only that prac- 
tical advantage, wliich a reform upon principles con- 
sonant to the British constitution was calculated to 
afford, who saw, without emotion, the detestable 
theories of the jacobins developed in the destructive 
i^avage which marked their progress, and their prac- 
tical effect in the bloody tragedies which were acted on 
the theatre of France, and who still adhered to their 
system of indefeasible right, when they saw such over- 
whelming proofs of its theoretical falsehood, and of its 
baleful tendency ? Will it be believed that those men are 
actuated by principles consonant to the spirit of the Bri- 
tish constitution, who, with the exception ofthe pretence 
of parliamentary reform, of French political systems, 
who followed them llirough all their consequences, 
who looked upon the ravage which ihey spread through 
all laws, religion, and property, without shrinking 
from their practical effect, and who deemed the hor- 
rors with which it was attended, as the triumphs of 
their system? Can we believe that men, that remained 
unmoved by the dismal example which their principles 
had produced, whose pretensions rose and fell with 
the success of jacobinism in every part of the world; 



312 LIFE OF THE LATE 

were ever acttaated b}^ a similarity of motives and of. 
objects, with those who prosecuted the reform as a 
practical advantage, and maintained it upon constitu- 
tional views? The utmost point of difference, indeed, 
that ever subsisted between those v;ho supported and 
those who opposed the question of reform, previous to 
the French revolution, which forms a new aera in po- 
litics, and in the history of the world, was union and 
concert in comparison with the views of those who 
maintained that question upon grounds of expediency, 
and those who assert it as a matter of right. 

" The question then was, with those who contended 
for reform on grounds of expediency, whether the 
means proposed were calculated to infuse new vigour 
into the constitution ? The object with those who affect 
a parliamentary reform upon French principles, is the 
shortest way to compass its utter destruction. From 
the period v;hen the new and alarming sera of the 
French revolution broke in upon the world, and the 
doctrines which it ushered into light laid hold on the 
minds of men, I found that the grounds on which the 
question rested were essentially and fundamentally al- 
tered. Whatever may have been my former opinion 
am I to be told that I am inconsistent, if I feel that it 
is expedient to forego, the advantage which any alte- 
ration may be calculated to produce, rather than 
aflbrd an inlet to principles with which no compromise 
can be made; rather than hazard the utter annihila- 
tion of a system under which this country has flou- 
rished in its prosperity, by which it has been supported 
in its adversity, and by the energy and vigour of which 
it has been enabled to recover from the difficulties and 
distresses, with which it has had to contend ? In the 



WILLIAM PITT. ^13 

warmth of argument upon this subject, the hbtiourable 
and learned gentleman has conceived himself at liberty 
to assume a proposition, which was not only unsup- 
ported by reasoning, but even contradicted by his own 
statements. The learned gentleman assumed that it 
was necessary to adopt the moderate reform proposed, 
in order to separate those whom such a plan would 
satisfy, from those who would be satisfied with none; 
but who, I contend, by means of this, would labour to 
attain the complete object of their wishes in the anni- 
hilation of the constitution. Those men who treat 
parliament as a usurpation, and monarchy as an inva- 
sion of the rights of man, would not view a reform 
which was not the recognition of their right, and whiclj 
they would consider as vitiated if conveyed in any 
other shape. Though such men had availed th^jcn- 
selves of the aid of those who supported parliamentary 
reform on other grounds, v;ould they be contented 
with this species of reform as an ultimate object? 

'^ But does the honourable and Ifekrned gentleman 
mean to assume that those who are the friends of mo- 
derate reform (and I know not how such a wish has 
been expressed at all) must remain confounded with 
those whom no reform will satisfy, unless some mea- 
sure like the present is adopted ? Where has such a 
wish for moderate reform been expressed ? If those 
who are even thought to entertain sentiments favour- 
able to that cause, have cherished them in silence, if 
they have abstained from pressing them at a moment 
when they would have served only to promote the 
views of those who wished to annihilate, not to re- 
form, is it to be apprehended that any ill effects will 
ensue, unless you adopt some expedient to distinguisli 

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314 LIFE OF THE LATE 

the moderate reformer from the desperate foe ? Yet 
this is the main argument of the learned gentleman, 
which he has put into a thousand different shapes. I 
do not believe, however, that the temper of moderate 
reformers will lead them to make common cause with 
the irreconcileable enemies of the constitution. If 
there are really many who may be ranked as moderate 
Teformers, it is at least probable they may feel the 
.force of the danger which I have stated ; that they 
.think it wiser to clieck their wishes than to risk the 
inlet of jacobin principles, and the imprudence of 
affording to the enemies of the constitution the means 
of accomplishing its destruction. Has there been, 
however, any decisive manifestation of their desires, 
x)r is there reason to believe, that, disappointed in their 
.\vishes, they will be immediately driven beyond the 
bounds of duty to the constitution ? If there is no se- 
curity that those whose views have already pointed be- 
yond reform, will be recalled to better sentiments, if 
there are even certain grounds to believe that they 
^vill merely employ any reform that may be intro- 
duced, as a step Towards realizing their own system, 
upon what pretence can the present measure beheld out 
as calculated to reconcile those men to the constitu- 
tion ? From the conduct of gentlemen on the other 
side, it is obvious that they do not conceive any deci- 
sive manifestation of the wishes of the people for a mo- 
derate reform being now introduced, to have taken 
place. My reason for such an opinion is this : we 
Lave seen that the gentlemen in opposition have not 
been deficient in their efforts to procure every ex- 
pression of the public concurrence in the objects for 
which they have contended. From their own account 



WILLIAM PITT. 315 

tbese efforts bava not been unsuccessful; but, sup- 
posing that no efforts of theirs had been employed, 
and that to the spontaneous impulse of the peopfe' 
themselves are to be ascribed the petitions which have- 
been voted in different quarters, to a degree, indeed, 
in their opinion, to decide the sense of the country to 
be in favour of an immediate peace, and the removal 
of ministers, it follows, that those wha have presented' 
such petitions have not felt, or the exertions of oppo-' 
sition have not been able to excite, any expression of 
that opinion they have so often urged, that no change 
of men, without a change of system, would lead to 
any permanent good. 

*' It does not appear then, that there is any call upon 
the house to adept a measure which, so far from being 
necessary to satisfy men friendly to a moderate reform, 
they have not, in any shape, expressed a wish to ob- 
tain. Before the practical expediency of this measure,' 
then, comes to be discussed, the practical necessity of 
-such a measure must be established. In this proof, 
however, the honourable and learned gentlemen have 
failed; I need not, therefore, go into the state of the 
country to refute the statements of the honourable 
gentlemen. Indeed I must observe that every thing 
urged upon this topic, was nothing more than asser- 
tion. The calamities and difficulties under which the 
country labours, the war with France, and inroads 
upon the constitution, the profusion of public expen- 
dituie were the topics upon which they insisted, and 
^'hich they said would have been avoided if parlia- 
mentary reform had formerly been adopted. I boldly 
contend, however, that in the origin of the war, in the 
efforts to an unparalleled extent which the novelty of 
. 2 D 2 



3l6 LIFE OF THE LAT» 

the contest, and the nature of the enemy forced us to- 
exert; that in what they call inroads, and which we 
contend were necessary bulwarks for the defence of the 
constitution, the feelings of the people went uniformly 
along with the proceedings of parliament. 1 will 
>?enture to assert, without the fear of contradiction, 
that in no time when the tide of prosperity began to 
turn in favour of this country, when the nation began 
to recover from the struggle^, and from the burthens of 
the American war, when, year after year, the sources 
of public wealth and individual happiness were in- 
creasing and extending, had the functions of parlia- 
ment been more congenial to the feelings of the people, 
than in the painful yet necessary struggles we were ob- 
liged to submit to in the present cdntest* That the 
nation has suffered, during the progress of the war, 
many and serious calamities, I do not dispute; cala- 
mities, however, much less severe ir their effects than 
those which have been undergone by countries acting 

^^•upon a different system. 

^* It has, indeed, been urged, and with no ordinary 
degree of perseverance, that the voice of the nation is 
against the proceedings of government: that, however, 

\is more a matter of opinion than of fact; and every 
man will naturally judge of the credit that ought to 
attach to such an assertion, from the sentiments which 
are expressed in the circle of his own acquaintance, 
and from bis personal enquiries on the subject. But 
1 will undertake to say, that at the present moment^ 
amidst all the difficulties and embarrassments, unavoid- 
ably occasioned by the vigorous prosecution of hosti- 
lities, the system pursued by parliament in support of 
the measures of government; is the system of the peo- 



WILLIAM PITT. 317 

pie ; and parliament at no period possessed in a more 
ample degree, the confidence of the country than it 
does now. [Here Mr. Fox shewed some signs of dis- 
sent.] The honourable gentleman may be disposed to 
controvert this opinion, but I am sure he cannot main- 
tain the contrary with more sincerity or more perfect 
conviction, than I advance what I now assert. The 
right honourable gentleman, the house will recollect, 
was accustomed to assert last session of parliament, 
with equal boldness and vehemence as now, that the 
sense of the country was against the system of minis- 
ters. Good God ! Where can the honourable gentle- 
man have lived ? In what remote corner of the coun- 
try can he have passed his time ? What great public 
question can he state, upon which the public have not 
evinced a great degree of interest, as great as that 
shewn on any former occasion ? On the contrary, if 
ever there was a period which we should select, as the 
one in which the attention of the public was most turned 
to public affairs, it was precisely that period in which 
the learned gentleman has described the public to have 
lost all interest in the deliberations of parliament. 

" I know it is maintained that parliament does not 
represent the great body of the nation, and that the 
result of general elections gives no striking character 
or impressive feature of the sentiments of the people ; 
but I desire it may also be recollected, whether there 
are not many leading instances, and particularly cir- 
cumstances attendant on general elections, that -go 
strongly to express the opinion entertained by the con- 
stituent body ; and taking up the consideration in that 
fjoint of view, I do insist, and am convinced the pp» 
sition cannot be objected to, that tb^ approbation 
p 3 



SI8 ' LIFE OF THE LATE 

given by those^who had been members of the last par- 
liament, to the commencement and prosecution of the 
war, were strong and powerful recommendations in 
their favour at the late general elections. I will for a 
moment, pursuing this argument, request the house to 
take the parliamentary representation as it has been 
Stated, and recommended by the honourable gentle- 
man (Mr. Grey). I will desire the honourable gen^^ 
tleman himself to look for an instant to his own state- 
ment of the proposed additional representation of the 
counties, and then candidly decide whether he can 
argue that the sense of the people was not in a great 
degree to be collected at general elections ? It is sub- 
mitted in that statement to extend the number of 
county members from ninety-two to one hundred and 
thirteen ; the augmentation, therefore, did not consist 
of many : and does the honourable gentleman intend 
to except the ninety-two former members by a general 
proscription? or will he pretend to say, that the sys- 
tem of counties, as it stands at present in point of re- 
presentation, goes for nothing ? Certainly he cannot 
undertake to advance such an argument, and so evi- 
dently inconsistent with his own plan of reform. If, 
therefore, the one hundred and thirteen members pro- 
posed by the honourable gentleman to represent the 
counties, would express the true sense of the people, 
it cannot be denied on the same grounds, that the 
ninety-two who were elected by their constituents, were 
in a very considerable proportion the organs of the 
public opinion^ The arguments therefore adduced by 
ike honourable gentlenian go against his own declaiar- 
HqH} that the sense of the peopl<^ was not the sense q£ 
2 



WILLIAM PITT. 319^^ 

parliament; and that sense bad been fully manifested 
in favour of the war at the general elections/' 

Mr. Pitt proceeded to draw bis deductions from 
what he had heard, and to compare the imaginary 
blessings to be expected from the French revolution 
with the advantages which had been derived to this 
country from that of I688. He shewed that, however 
disguised, the principle of the present movers was, no- 
thing less than universal suffrage, without any of the 
modifications which an object of such magnitude natu-» 
rally demanded. Lie added : ' « 

** It never was contended that the inequality of the 
representation has been attended with any practical 
disadvantage, that the interest of Yorkshire was neg-* 
lected because it sent only two members to parliament, 
or that Birmingham and Manchester experienced any 
ill consequence from having no representatives. How 
does it appear that universal suffrage is better than^if 
the right to vote be founded on numerical, or even al- 
phabetical arrangement? There is no practice, cer* 
tainly no reccgijized practice, for its basis. The ex- 
periment p'-opcsed is new, extensive, overturning all the 
ancient system, and substituting something iri its stead 
without any theoretical advantage, on any practical 
recommendation. In the mixed representation which 
now subsists, the scot and lot elections are those which 
have been chiefly objected to, and the honourable gen- 
tleman opposite to me formerly agreed with me in opi^ 
nion, that burgage tenures and small corporatiori^ 
were even less exceptionable than open burghs, with 
small qualifications. Yet this extension, of small qua- 
lifications, from which it has been a general complaint 
that much confusion, debauchery mid abuse at eie©» 



320 LIFE OF THE LATE 

tions arose, forms the principal feature in the honour- 
able gentleman's plan/' 

Such were some of the prominent objects of attack 
on the administration of Mr. Pitt, in which it is no 
wonder that we should be led to exceed the bounds 
which we have prescribed to ourselves, by those ema- 
nations of enlightened eloquence which have excluded 
every feeble observation or trivial narrative. In truth, 
much that it had been hoped might have been given, 
to shew this great man to his countrymen, such as 
he was during his arduous life, is of necessity suppres- 
sed ; for even a brief account of what must assume a 
strain insignificant indeed when compared with the 
poorest efforts of William Pitt. 

To this discussion which has perhaps afforded in tlie 
speech of the minister a clearer view, (when compared 
with his former speeches) of the subject of parliamen- 
tary reform than can be otherwise obtained, the mu- 
tiny of the seamen in May and June 1797? succeeded 
in the list of important events. 

This was that momentary error of a portion of the 
British fleet, which forgetting in the indolence of pre- 
paration the nervous force which guided, and the judi- 
cious arm which led them on to victory, created an 
alarm in the country which only themselves could sup- 
press. How effectually it was suppressed, however, 
the long and severe cruize in the North Sea, and its 
brave result will testify to the present age and to pos- 
terity, while the name of Duncan enrolled among her 
brightest heroes, shall ennoble the annals of Britain. 
To'this event justice demands it should be added, that 
Mr. Sheridan, a powerful member of the dignified op- 
positiou of the day, was the first to avow the ^atir* 



WILLIAM PITT. S21 

disapprobation of himself and colleagues of the incon- 
siderate proceeding, that delusion might not be in- 
creased by the endeavors of disaffected persons to add 
toit the sanction of himself and colleagues. 

In fact this moment was pregnant with difficulty and 
terror^ and all that Burke and other members who 
had clearly seen the bent of the French revolution had 
observed, became reahzed in the events of the day. The 
observation of Mr, Canning on the discussion of the 
Sardinian treaty, in 179'^, now recurred in every step. 
That gentleman"^ in the most energetic terms observed,: 

* George Canning, of a respectable family in Ireland, was "bora 
in London in 1771. Under the direction of his paternal uncls> 
» merchant in the city, he received the rudiments of education, 
and was sent to Eton, where he distinguished himself by his ora- 
tory in fictitious debate; and in conjunction with Mr. Frere, 
Lord Spencer, and others, produced a periodical work, eDtitled 
The Microcosm, b3^ Gregory Griffin. -From Eton he went to 
Christ church, Oxford, where his tastdfor Latin composition, and 
his elegant English verses soon rendered him conspicuous. The^ 
procured for him also the noUce of several young men of rank, 
among whom was Mr. Jenkinson, afterwards Lord Hawkesburj'-^ 
which tended not a little to his future advancement. .From Ox- 
ford Mr. Canning I'emoved to the Inner Temple, where he be- 
came intimate with Mr. Sheridan and several of the oppositiou 
members. In 1793 he was elected member of parliament for 
Newton in Hampshire, and at the next general election, for Wen- 
dover, in the cousity of Bucks, In the interim, however, he be- 
came attached to Mr. Pitt by the fondest ties of friendship, and 
had been at once received by the minister into the fullest confi- 
dence, a circumstance noticed by Mr. Mathias in his Pursuits of 
Literature, when he observes — - 

*' And seize on Pitt, like Canning, by surprlsfe.'* 

He immediately became jointsecretary to the department 
for foreign affairs, then under Lord Grenville, and afterwards 
receiver-general of the alienation officco In 1800 he mar- 



322- LIFE OF THE LATE 

•* that had it not been for the war, some correspond- 
ing revolutionary society might have possibly been 

ried t!ie Touiigest daughter of the kte General Scott, sister of the 
JMarchioness of Titcbfield. When Mr. Pitt withdrew from powex 
Mr. Canning accompanied him, andr^xerted himself witball the 
energy of friendship in behalf of the character of the ex-niinister. 
An instance of which, as well as a no unfavourable specimen of 
his ready poetical powers, will be given hereafter in the verses 
composed for a convivial party in the city, in honour of Mr. Pitt, 
under the titk of " The Pi!ot that weathered the Storm." On the 
return of Mr. Pitt to power his friend was not neglected. Mr. 
Canning now became treasurer of the navy, and a member of the 
committee of trade and plantations, and a prominent speaker on 
every important occasion.^ — Nor will it be foand that the friend- 
ship of Mr. Canning forliis great prototype, was bounded merely 
by political zeal ; since this vcrlume, feeble except as it has availed 
itself of the powers of its immortal subject and hb compeers, is 
proud to be closed by a poetical testimony from the same exqui- 
site pen, to the memory of his departed fnend. 

The following is thejeu d'esprit already mentioned ; the point 
from which it derives its title admirably turning on the popular 
character of Mr. Addington, as having steered the great vessel of 
the country into the haven of peace : — 

'' IF hush'd the loud whirlwind that ruffled the deep. 
The sky if no loager dark tempests deform, 

"When our peril is past shall our gratitude sleep ? 
No, here's to the pilot that weather'd the storm. 

At the footstool of power let flattery fawn. 

Let faction her idols extol to the skies. 
To virtue in humble retirement withdrawn, 

Unblam'd may the accents of gratitude rise. 

And shall not his mem'ry to Britain be dear. 
Whose example all nations with envy behold, 

A statesman unbiass'd by interest or fear. 
By pow'r uncorrnpted, untainted by gold. 







% 




^' 



I,OIi:D :ELi^^yi:TE§]BX^liTo 



f'ub..Ap-.-2o.i?o-y- bv Zzrn^c ran,?, 



WILLIAM PITT. 32* 

sitting on the benches of that house; and instead of 
debating on a treaty of alliance, n)ight have been agi- 



Who, when terror and doubt through the universe reigned. 
While rapine and treason their standard unfurl'd. 

The heart and the hopes of his country maintain'd. 

And one kingdom preserved midst the wreck of the world. 

Unheeded, unthankful we bask in the blaze. 

While tbe beams of the sun in full majesty shine. 

When he sinks into twilight, with fondness we gaze 
And mark the mild lustre that gilds bis decline. 

So, Pitt, when the cruize of thj greatness is o'er, s 

Thy talents, thy virtues, we fondly recal ; 
Now justly we prize thee, when lost wcj deplore ; 

Admir'd in thy zenith but lov'd in thy fail. 

O take, then, for dangers by wisdom repell'd. 

For evils by courage and constancy brav'd, 
O take, for a throne by thy counsels upheld. 

The thanks of a people thy firmness has sav'd ! 

And O, if again the rude whirlwind should rise. 

The dawning of peace should fresh darkness deform, 

The regrets of the good, and the fears of the wise 
Shall turn to the pilot that weather'd the storm. 

Of the strenuous supporter of Mr. Pitt's administration already 
mentioned in the preceding notice, there cannot be more fit op» 
portunityto speak. 

The right honourable Robert B^nks Jenkinson, son of the Earl 
of Liverpool and the daughter of governor Watts of Bengal, who 
died a few months after his birth, was born the 7th of June, 1770. 
At a ver\'- early age he was placed at the academy of Parson's 
Green, near Fulham, and from theace removed to the Charter- 
House. At this nursery of great men of the present age he was 
considerably distinguished for his classical attainments, and from 
it removed well prepared to Christ Church, Oxford, Being na- 



S24 ^ LIFE OF THE LATE 

tating the question' of a forced loan, demanded in the 
name of some proconsular deputy, from the French 
convention/' 

It were endless to state the various topics on wljich 
Mr. Pitt with no less force displayed his ratiocinative 
eloquence, or the various forms in which the animosity 
of opposition attacked him. Yet he persevered in 
the course he had marked out to himself with a zeal 



turally designed for high offices of state. Lord Liverpool directed 
the attention of his son particularly to public economy, and in 
this important and interesting science his advancements were 
nearly equal to what the^ had been in his former pursuits. Having 
completed this education, so various, Mr. Jenkinson visited she 
Continent, and was in Paris at the commencement of the French 
revolution, onthe transactions of which he afforded considerable 
information to government. In 1790 he came to England, and 
was elected member of parliament for the borough of Kye in 
Sussex, but being ye^t under age he returned to the continent till 
the next year, when he took his seat, and almost immediately de- 
fended the interference of Great Britaia in the arrangements be- 
tween Kussia and Turkey concerning Oczakow, In 1793, he be- 
came one of the commissioners for India affairs, and in 1794 receiv- 
ed the command of the Fencible Cinque Port cavalry. In 1779, 
he succeeded Sir George Yonge in the mastership of the mint, and 
became one of the lords of trade and plantations. His lordship also 
married one of the daughters of the Earl of Bristol, Bishop of 
Derrj. With Mr. Pitt he retired, on the accession of the Ad' 
dington administration, (1801) and returned with that minister to 
office in 1804, when he became secretary of state for the home 
department, with a seat at the board of controul. Notwithstand- 
ing the severe censure handed down to posterity of this nobleman 
by Mr. Beisham, on his supposed deficiency in the graces of 
speech, he is certainly conversant with subjects of the highest 
national concerns, and capable of rendering no common service 
to a state so constituted as that of Britain, 








.>-" 



XOJRIO SJJDMOiaTII. 



■^.:l8o]. by Jcrruv C\nJee,ZovxL-^7f 



WlLLlA^r PITT. 323 

undaunted and laudable, and honourable to himself 
and country. 

The rebellion of Ireland, that ill-fated country sa 
long doomed to intestine contentions, broke out in all 
its horrors, at once the confirmation of Mr. Pitt's pre- 
dictions, and the most arduous object of his adminis- 
tration. ' ' 

As a private incident Worthy of notice in the life of 
this great minister, it may be mentioned, that, about 
this time, in consequence of some allusions to the sen- 
timents of INIr. Tierney, member for Southwark, that 
gentleman retired from the house with an intimation to 
which Mr. Pitt immediately attended, and the conse^ 
quence was a meeting at Wimbledon Common. Happi- 
ly the consequences were not so fatal to the interests of 
Britain as might have been expected from the rancour 
of party, in a/encontre so sudden and entirely political; 
for Mr. Pitt, having received his opponent's lire, dis- 
charged his own pistol in the air, and the affair ended 
in the interference of the seconds. 

In fact, what remains of official affairs, however va- 
ried in their minutia, and important in their end, pos- 
sess a degree of sameness which with having accorded 
so much of our space to the effusions of his own elo- 
quence, will render it necessary to curtail in future. 
The causes of Mr. Pitt's retirement* from administra- 
tion in favour of INIr. Addington, afterwards Lord Sid- ' 
mouth, previous to the treaty of Amiens, are eitbar 
sutliciently known or so little capable of discussion ag 
merely to require their mention. 

^ la conformity with ihe rule hitherto observ^ed, a list is adde4 
of the luembers who composed the iTew adaunistratiou ;— * 
NO. 20. 2e 



5-6 LIFE OF THE LATE 

During tljis retirement the ex-minister, found, as 
may easily be supposed, an employment worthy of his 



Duke of Portland, President of the Council. 

Lord Eldon, Lord Chance] lor. 

Earl of Westmoreland, Lord Privy Seal. 

Earl of St. Vincent, First Lord of the Admiralty. 

Earl of Chatham, Master General of the Ordnance. 

Lord Pelham, Secretary of State for the Home Department. 

Lord Havvkesbury, Secretary for Foreign Afl'airs. 

Lord Hobart, Secretary for the Department of War and the 
Colonies. 

Lord Viscount Lewissham, (afterwards Earl of Dartmouth) Pre- 
sident of the Board of Control. 

Kight Hon. Charles Yorke, Secretary at War. 

Earl of Liverpool, Chanceibr of the Duchy of Lancaster. 

Right. Hon. Dudley Ryder, (afterwards Lord Harrowby) Trea- 
surer of the Navy. 

Right Hon. Thomas Steele and Lord Glenbervie, Joint Pay- 
masters of his Majesty's Forces. 

Lord Auckland and Lord Charles Spencer, Joint Postmasters 
General. 

John Hiley Addington, Esq. and Nicholas Vansittart, Esq. 
Secretaries of the Treasury, 

Sir William Grant, Mdster of the Rolls. 

Sir Edward Law, (afterwards Lord Elleuborough) Attornejf- 
General. 

Hon. Spencer Percival, Solicitor-General. 

Of the most important friend of Mr. Pitt in this list, the Lord 
Chanceiior Eldon, it is our intei.tion to subjoin a few particulars 
by no means uninteresting, as it is iilso to illustrate, by a portrait, 
the memoirs of Lis great patron iii:d friend. 

John Scott is the second son of a respectable officer in the ma- 
nagement of the coal trade at Newcastle-upon-Tyne, of which 
place he was also a native; as well as his elder brother Sir Wil- 
liam Scott, the most able civilian of his lime, on whom honojrs 
which liave often been announced as inleuded for hira cowld cca- 



WILLIAM PITT. 827 

character. Though enjoyuig in the fullest sense the 
iitiiun cum dignitate^ he did not disdain to direct- the 

fer no honour. He was educated at Oxford, and entered of tba 
Middle Temple, in \772, The talents of Mr. Scott were not of 
that striking kind, to elicit and demand approbation, but rather to 
persevere in a steady course of eminence 3 and hov/ever much 
his powers may have been appreciated by his learned and affec- 
tionate brother, it is certain that none of his friends looked for- 
ward to that distinction v,'hich has sijice awaited him, or the rank 
to which he has so deservedly been raised. An instance of this 
occurred particularly on his marriage to Miss Wall is, of Newcas- 
tle, whose uncle was exceedingly rich, and as usual estiuiated ta- 
lents much lower than w^ealth. This gentleman, who lived in a 
stjie of great elegance^ angry that his niece should have mar- 
ried so lowly, made a point of receiving ]Mr. Scott, when upon lh« 
northern circuit, in tlie meanest manner possible, ever excluding 
for the time every common indulgence from his tabic. Let com- 
mercial arrogance hence learn how ridiculous are its moral calcu- 
lations, and the pride of wealth, and the exultation of ignore. 3 ice 
HI longer embitter the struggles of genius, at least where envy has 
not been excited by presumption, nor censure by imprudence. 
Consistent with what has been first said, the progress of Mr. Scott 
was slow and sure. He was first noticed and promoted by Lord 
Thurlow, and in 1783, was elected to parliament for Weobly. He 
was knighted on becoming solicitor-general, in 1788, and to him 
the regency bill of Mr. Pitt was attributed. But bis first great 
effort was on the memorable trials for high-treason in 179 i, when 
(having, in the preceding year, been appointed attorney-general) 
he opened the case of the crown in a speech of nine hours, and 
prosecuted the heads of the athliatcd societies with unequalltd \\- 
gour. Since then he continued to iidvance. In 1799, he becrune 
chief justice of the common pleas, with tlie title of Baron Eldon, 
drawn from a place of that name in his native county ; and on 
the resignation, Earl Rosslyn, he was appointed Lord High Chaiv 
cellor of Great Britain. His lordship's eloquence as well as sen- 
timents are perfectly of the scliool of Pitt ; and, as he is yet ixx 
the vigour of life, much may be expected from the powers vvhick 
he has evinced on many occasions. 
' 2 £ 2 



S2B . LIFE OF TIIK LAT£ 

full force of tliose talents which bad governed em])i^':i 
io the command of a body of volunteers under his ia- 
:^aence as Warden of tlu; Cinqne Ports, from which they 
took ilieir name ; and whicii under his direction be- 
cauK^ remarkable for excellent discipline, and the pu- 
.r*:Sl and most elevated patriotism. 

The exigencies of the state as well as the wishes of 
'uM loverg of the British coiistitation, called Mr. Pitt 
again to the helm of allairs/^ but under other cnxum' 
i^taiices than those to which l)e had been accustomed.' 
llie complexion of the times had been altered during 
the variations of an inefficient government, and among 
other mortiiicationa v»hich were prepared by the vigi- 
iance of opposition, was the prosecution of his friend 
Lord Melvflle, upon grounds, at best equivocal, with 
the utmost severity of the legal art. 



^ This adrainistraiion, the last ever formed by Mr. Pitt, wai 
composed in the following manner : — 

Ilight Hon. William Pitt, First Lord of the Treasury and Ghaft- 
cellor of the Exchequer. 

Duke of Portland, President of the Council. 

Lord Eldon, Lord Chancellor. 

Earl of Westmoreland, Lord Privy Seal. 

Lord Viscount Melville, First Lord of the Admiralty, , 

Earl of Chatham, Master-General of the Ordnance, 

Lord Havvkcsbury, Secretary of State for the Home Depart- 
ment. 

Lord Harrowby, Secretary for Foreign Aftairs. 

Earl Camden, Secretary for the Department of War and the 
Colonies. 

Lord Castlereagh, President of the Board of Control lor the 
Aifairs of India. 

Lord Mulgrave, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, 

Eight Hon. William Dundas, Secretary at War. 



WILLIAM PITT. 329 

Having again planned the salvation of Europe by a 
blow the most decisive of any that had hitherto beeu 
struck, while waiting with anxiety the result that 
should astonish the world, it failed, and the proud 
feelings of Mr. Pitt, which nothing had hitherto been 
able to subdue, sunk with it. He was seized with an 
indisposition which was early found to take an unfa- 
vourable turn. 

This illness originated in extreme debility, brought 
on by excessive anxiety and unwearied attention 
to business. By this debility his whole nervous sys- 
tem was so deranged, that for weeks together he 
was unable to sleep, and this privation of rest, origi- 
nating in weakness, still farther augmented the cause, 
so as to lead to a genera,! breaking up of his consti- 
tution. . An hereditary gout completed the whole — 
producing according to its ordinary effect on a debili- 
tated system, water in the chest, and such a weakness 
of stomach that he could neither admit nor retain any 
"thing. 

Since the excess of the dropsical symptoms IMr. Pitt 
lay in a state of sleep and insensibility. Before these 



Higlit Hon. George Canning, Treasurer of the Nav^'-. 

Pvight Hon. George Rose and Right Hon. Lord Charles Scmer- 
§et, Joint Pajanasters of his IMajesty's Forces. 

Duke of Montrose and Lord Charles Spencer^ Joint Postmasters- 
General, 

William Haskisson, Esq. and William Sturges Bourne, Es-q,-. 
Secretaries of the Treasury- 
Sir W^illiam Gxant, Master of the Rolls. 

Hon. Spencer Percivah Attorney-General. 

Sir Thomas Manners Sutton, Solicitor-General. 

2 E 3 " ':' 



530 LITE OF THE LATE 

symptoms, the privation of sleep was the most painful 
tircumstance of his illness. 

On Tucsrky morning, however,, (January 21) his 
disorder had taken a more favourable turn, and the 
fever was apparently so abated, that his physicians 
entertained hopes of his recovery ; but towards even- 
ing, when the gentlemen who chiefly attended him paid 
Ijis visit, before taking leave of his patient for the 
r.iglit, he found tiiat the (awr had returned with in- 
creased violence, and every symptom was so aggra- 
vated, that all expectation was at an end. It became 
^Ovv necessary to declare an opinion, and to acquaint 
Air. Piit himself with the imminent danger. The 
bishop of Lincoln, the oldest and fondest friend of xMr. 
Pitt, was called out of the room, and the following opi^ 
liion was expressed to him, nearly in these words: 
*' He cannot live above forty-eight hours — the disor- 
der has taken a mortal turn— any attempt to amuse 
liim from his present lethargy would be attended with 
instant death; he is not strong enough for medicine, 
tfY any restorative application. If he lingers a few 
days it will astonish nie.'"'^ 

The bishop of Lincoln now saw the necessity of in- 
timating the danger to Mr. Pitt, He fulfilled thi* 
painful office wiih firmness; Mr, Pitt was hardly sen- 
sible : this dreaded shock had scarcely power to dissi- 
pate his lethargy; bui after a few moments he waved 
his hand, and was left alone with the bishop. 

He instantly expressed himself perfectly resigned to 
the divine will, and, with the utmost composure, asked 

^ This actiount is drawa from one which assumed an official 
character. 



WILLIAM PITT. 331 

Sir Walter Farqubar, who was present, how long he 
might expect to live ? 

Mr. Pitt then entered into a conversation of some 
length with the bishop of Lincoln upon religious sub- 
jects. He repeatedly declared, in the strongest terms 
of humility, a sense of his own unworthiness, and a 
firm reliance upon the mercy of God, through the we- 
rits of Christ, 

After this the bishop of Lincoln prayed by his bed- 
side for a considerable time ; and JNlr. Pitt appeared 
greatly composed by these last duties of religion, 

A man of the superior mind of Mr. Pitt could not 
but have the strongest impressions of religion ; doubt- 
less at this awful moment they soothed his pillow, and 
whispered comfort to his soul. 

During the night his fever continued ; and the strong 
convulsions in his stomach, more than once threatened 
lo break up his frame. 

The bishop of Lincoln sat up with him. — ^The phy- 
sicians now thought proper to discontinue medicine. — 
During the morning of Wednesday repeated enquiries 
were made after him, and a statement of his danc^er 
was transmitted to his Majesty, to his relations, and 
to most of his friends. — Lady Hester Stanhope, his 
niece, and Mr. James Stanhope, are said to have had 
an interview with him on Wednesday morning, and to 
have received his last adieu. His brother, the Earl of 
Chatham, took his last farewel late at night. Mr. Pitt 
was scarcely sensible. He could speak nothing; he 
could express affection, gratitude, and hope, only by 
signs. — The bishop of Lincoln continued with him all 
night. — The mortal symptoms were now approaching 
to a crisis. His extremities were already cold, and his 



$32 LIFE OF THE lATE 

senses began to fail. As a last and desperate effort t* 
protract life, blisters were applied to the soles of his 
feet. They restored him to something of life and re- 
collection, but they could arrest nothing of the pro- 
gress of death. It is said that he continued clear and 
composed till a short time before his dissolution, which 
took place without much addition of suffering or strug- 
gle, at half past four on Thursday morning, January 
23, IBOo, The same day on which he first took his 
seat in parliament. 

What more remains to tell of him, whose voice a 
few short weeks before had set the world in arms ! His 
remains after a time, during which a public funeral had 
been accorded to him by parliament, w^ere removed 
for the contemplation of his friends to the Painted 
Chamber of the House of Lords, an honour chiefly 
confined to peers. 

At nine o'clock on Thursday, Feb. 50, 1 S06, a^ 
crowd began to assemble at New andOld Palace-yard^ 
to see this distinguished statesman lying in state in the 
Painted Chamber. The crowd completely filled the 
avenues, and at ten o'clock the doors of the lobby of 
the House of Commons were thrown open. 

On passing the raised lobby of the House of Com.- 
mons, the spectators entered the long gallery, which 
was hung with black, and lighted up by seventy-one 
wax lights in tin sconces, and attended by Bow-street 
officers. The spectators then proceeded to the Painted 
Chamber, the passage to and from which was in a 
horse shoe form, and at the upper end of which was 
placed the coffin, on bearers, completely covered with^ 
a pall. 

Oa the right of the latter was placed ten silver can?*^ 

a 



WILLIAM PITT. 533 

dlesticks, on pedestals covered with black cloth and 
large wax tapers, interspersed with four elegant flags, 
with the various insignia of the several offices of the 
deceased and his arms. At the foot x)f the coffin was 
placed the king's banner, with an admiral's streamer 
and jack roiled, with his shield and sword, and his 
arms embossed, on a^ raised platfornij over which were 
observed his helmet and other insignia, surmounted by 
the anchor supporting a crant (the Chatham crest) ; 
on the left of the coffin were placed the same number < 
of wax lights and banners as on the right, with Mr. 
Thomas as principal. At the head of the cofnn also, 
ten gentlemen of the wardrobe, attendants in deep 
mourning cloaks and scarfs, with twelve other gentk-^ 
men porters variously dispersed. 

The whole of the PaiiUed Cham.ber was also hung 
in black, the ujjper part of which displayed a silver , 
border; about a foot deep, which greatly added to the 
finblimity of the scene. 

All around the chamber were tin sconces, bearing 
x)ne hundred and thirty-two wax lights; between each 
hght was a banner with the Chatham arms elegantly 
painted. 

At the head of the coffin, under the canopy, was 
placed the escutchions and banners of the Chatham 
arms. The canopy was surmounted by plumes of 
^ black and white ostrich feathers, with a deep painted 
border representing a viscount's coronet and the 
Chatliam crest, in drapery and wreaths. ^ — From thence 
the spectators retired through the new door of the 
House of Lords into Old Palace-yard. 

The ceremony of lying in state coutinued till Frida\» 



334 LIFE OF THE LATE 

evening, the following day (Feb. 22), being appointed 
for the public interment of JNJr. Pitt. 

At an early hour on Saturday, New Palace-yard, 
Union-street, King-street, and the Sanctuary, were co- 
vered with gravel. At ten o'clock a party of the third 
regiment of guards arrived, and were stationed inside 
©f the railing of Westminster Hall gate to the west door 
of Westminster Abbey. — A number of the life guards 
were stationed at all the leading streets to regulate the 
carriages on their way to the parliament house. The 
tickets directed all those who were to walk in the pro- 
cession to be set down in the greatest order at the doors 
of the houses of Commons and Lords. 

On their entrance, the heralds and proper officers, 
from the College of Arms, were stationed to conduct 
them to their proper places in the procession. Sir 
Isaac Heard arrived before twelve o'clock ; and having 
inspected the arrangements made by his officers, the 
procession began to move. At half past twelve it 
came out of W^estminster Hall, which was announced 
by the drums and fifes playing the lOKh Psalm, in a 
very solemn manner, and trumpets and kettle drum* 
playing a dirge. The procession moved in the follow- 
ing order : — 

The Lord Chamberlain's officers. 

The standard. 

Carried by General Lenox, supported b;y Mr. Steele, and 

Mr. Long. 

The Guidon, 

Carried by Brigadier General Hope, supported by Mr. Ryder, 

and another gentleman. 

The deceased and Earl Ciialhanrs domestics. 

About one hundred uieaibers of the House ofCommons. 

Twenty clergymen in their canonicals. 

Six Truiii pets. 

The Banner and Crest of Xr. Pitt, 

Supported by Mr. Wiiberibrcc; and another gentleman. 



WILLIAM PITT. 335 

Fourteen Officers who attended the deceased while lying in State, 

Eighteen Knights and Bachelors. 

Bsron Sutton in his robes. 

The Lord IMnyor of London. 

The Speaker of the House ot" Comraons. 

Ten Bisb:ops 

Thirty-two Peers. 

Their Iloyrd Highnesses the Dukes of York, Cumberland^ 

and Cambridge. 

Helm and C^est, Sword and Target, and Surcoat, borne by So» 

niCTset^ Lancaster, and Chester Heralds. 

Clje ^cits^.'' 

Chief Mourner, 

The Earl of Chatham, the brotlier of the deceased, supported hy 

Earls Westraoreiancl and Camden. 

Sir Isaac Heard, Garter Kina at Arms, ceirrving tli* 

SlairofOificc. 

The Banner of Emr-ems, 

Carried by Mr. rercival, the late AtUornpy^-General and sup- 

ported by Mr.. Canning and Mr. 11 .se. 

About fifty relations and friends of the deceased. 

The Cinque Port Volunteers, with crape on their hats and 

left arras*- 



* The coffin in which the remains of Mr Pitt was deposited^ 
was covered with black velvet ; tlve corner mouldings and othev 
ornaments were so highly- plated as to look exactly like silver? 
the, inscription was as follows; — 

The Right Honourable 

WILLIAM PITT. 

Onl^^ Broii.er of the K.irl of Chatham, 

One ot his Majesty's Most Rjnaurable Privy Council, 

First Lord of n ; ireasury, 

Chancellor of -ne Exchequer, 

A Commissioner o " ' iii of India, 

Constable c ristie. 

Warden, Keeper, and : i tire Cinque Ports;, 

]\Iaster of /.'^ . : i;uty-Hokise, 

High Steward of er-itv of Cambridge, 

r jm;a. 

Died ..-^ ......aary, 1806, 

Aged 46 years. 



S35 LIFE OF THE LATE 

The first of the procession entered Westminster 
Abbey at one o'clock, but it was half an hour after be- 
fore the body entered. Dr. Vincent, (the Dean) the 
Prebends, Minor Canons, and Gentlemen of the choir, 
were ready to receive them ; and on the entrance of 
Ihe corpse, they began to sing Dr. Croft's funeral ser- 
vice, which they continued to do till the body was 
placed in the centre of the choir, when the regular 
burial service was read by one of the Minor Canons. 
The anthem, burial service, ^'c. was the same as 
that performed at the funeral of Lord Nelson, at St. 

^Till twelve o'clock there were but few more persons 
in the neighbourhood than when common business is 
proceeding. Palace Yard and the streets adjoining 
the sanctuary, were by no means crowded when tha 
procession was moving. Several scaffolds and tem- 
porary seats were erected. Some of them had a few 
persons and others none. 

Among the distinguished personages besides the 
royal Dukes, were — the Dukes oi Montrose and Rut? 
land. — Marquisses of Buckingham, Thomond, and 
Abercorn. — Earls 'Spencer, Temple, Roniney, AVin* 
Chelsea, and Camden. — Lords Sidmouth, Barrington, 
Paget, Macdonald, Pomfret, Kelly, Rivers, Bulklcy, 
Hood, Hawkesbury, Elliot, Grantham, Castlereagh, 
Auckland and Carrington. — Archbishop of Canter- 
bury. — Bishops of Bath and Wells, Norwich, Bristol, 
London, Lincoln, Ely, Exeter, and Chester. 

Mr. Pitt made a sort of nuncupative- will, as foK 
lows: — 



WILLIAM PITT. 33f 

** I ©WE Sir Walter Farqubar one thousand' gui- 
licas, from October 1805, as a professional debt. 

" W. PITT.'* 

"Twelve thousand pounds, with interest, from 
October, 1801, to Mr. Long, Mr. Steele, Lord Car- 
rington, Bishop of Lincoln, Lord Camden, Mr. Joseph 
Smith, and I earnestly request their acceptance of it. 
I wish, if means can be found for it, of paying double 
wages to all of my serv9.nts who were with me at my 
decease. 

^^ W. PITT." 

^' I WISH my brother, with the Bishop of Lin- 
eolii to iook pver my papers ai^d to settle u?y affairs. 
I owe more thian I can leave behind me. 

" W.PITT," 

Thus concluded the powerful career, of the great 
minister, whose conduct and character we have at- 
temped to display, partly by a simple statement of 
facts as'they have arisen; and partly by a faithful re- 
cital of those orations, which while they offer the best 
display of his talents, at the same time afford the most 
certain account of his motives, and ends. 

His person was tall and slender, his complexion 
rather fair, with blue eyes, large forehead, and promi- 
nent features ; his countenance was strong, thoughtful, 
and rather stem, except when enlivened by^ some sud- 
den impiulse. 

Although some who acted with him, had ended 
their friendship with his life, no man could be happier 
than Mr. Pitt in respect to the hands in which he left 
his fame. In a " Brief examination into the Increase 
of the Revenue, Commerce, and Navigation ©f Great 

NO. 20^ 2 F 



53S LIFE OF THE LATE 

J3ritain'' during his administration. The right hono- 
rable George Rose, than whom none, on any subject 
ofpoHtical economy or private virtue, can be more 
capable of judging, thus expressed himself: — 

*' I have hitherto confined myself to matters within 
the immediate department which Mr. Pitt presided; 
but considering the pre-eminence he long held in the 
councils of his Majesty, and that unhappily for the 
country he is no longer among us, I may, I hope, be 
allowed to refer very shortly to some of the principal 
matters that occurred during the eventful period of his 
administration, and to say a few words respecting his 
character. 

" If we look to naval and military operations it will 
be seen, with no small degree of astonishment as well 
as satisfaction, that in the period referred to, we took 
and destroyed more ships of the line of our enemies* 
than in all the wars we have been engaged in since the 
revolution, viz. those in the reign of King William, 
Queen Anne, during the hostilities with Spain, in the 
reign of George the first, (when the fleet of Spain was 
destroyed in the Mediterranean), in the wars of 1742, 
of 1756, and the American war. 

" That^ the French under their emperor, Buona- 
parte, were driven out of Egypt, by an inferior army, 
composed of troops from the banks of the Thames and 



'* ^ These amount to 110 ships of the line ; while those in the 
former wars were in number only 109. In this comparison, the 
ships destroyed in the very arduous enterprize at Copenhagen, 
^re not included, although the expedition was equipped under 
Mr. Pitt*s government, nor several ships of the line lost in H 
storm, when the invasioii of Ireland was attempted." 



WILLIAM PITT. 339 

©f the Ganges, who met in that country and there 
gained immortal honour; and that they were deprived 
of every foot of land they had on the continent of In- 
dia, as well as of almost all their colonies in the West 
Indies ; and that many of those of Spain and Holland 
were taken by the British arms, while the numerous 
and extensive possessions of Great Britain in all parts 
of the world were completely protected. 

" If we turn our attention to what has passed within 
these kingdoms, under our immediate view, we shall 
not have less reason to admire the character and te 
revere the memory of one of the most able, firm, vir- 
tuous, and disinterested men that ever lived in any na- 
tion or in any time. His conduct during the long and 
dangerous illness of our beloved sovereign, in 1788-9, 
will not soon be forgotten by his grateful countrymen. 
It is the pride of the British constitution, as now un- 
derstood and administered, that the personal interest 
of the monarch is so much identified with the interests 
of the people, that the latter feel every circumstance 
tending to the health, the comfort, or the dignity of 
their sovereign, as a favourite acquisition lo themselves : 
and I think I may venture to say, there never was a 
period of more genuine national joy than when our 
beloved king, after a considerable interval of alarming 
indisposition, was restored to the enjoyment of health, 
and to the exercise of his public functions. At that 
juncture there were particular circumstances in the 
political state and political opinions of Europe, which 
tended more than ever to endear to every good and 
virtuous man the monarch they saw re-established, and 
the tranquilhty which that happy event had restored. 
The display of wisdom and firmness evinced bv Mr, 
2 T 2 



340 LIFE OF THE lATE 

Pitt, daring that iDterirai of zaationid anxiety wkicb 
tbe king's iibess occasioned, did Lim infinite booour^. 
be took that high groiiod which his virtue as well al 
bis ability entitled hisn to take, ana with a digpitj and 
CGura^ inspired bj bodi, rebaked at ooce the fean 
ci ihe linjd acd sappcrted the rights cf his sovePQgpi: 
not less f^hbiul to his ^untiy than lo^-al to his king« 
he devoted his ^errices to both in a manntf»r eqoaliv 
taasd^ SLLd Gi»inl£rened« We rejoice ihal the oange: 

" "Which orercaaie ds Hke a sommer's clocd.*' 



ws* ttJe ^ot% to grre' M the efe^ U> bis i 
cUtiiafetecces le?s f&To^ah^ Hsgln iHr^e shewn xh^m 
a iteufattd to produce. 

'* Nor ^KHjld the perife with which Vte co«»lTT a^d 

ife coDstit^tioH ^Eie for ^ame time thresicetii^ m cJ©o» 
semiepce of wb&t may be termed the mna ctf the 
Fre4Hr^ reroiotioD erer be icr&m^k ; &a«|^ ptAmp* 
sot now strong iA xkm icBagiaanqn of the fnufik (and 
%o som« of the les? oo^ii^ale or les^caodid flBtai to 
liave been exaggerated bejmid Xbe trotli) k e m tto 
v€TT soecesE with whkh they were opposed c by tbeit| 
IkFw^^, w*o h&6 hetitT oj^jert^jifitiesof fair^appre* 
rkktine Mr. P.tt's serriee?? aad of c&k&laliD? the 
fei*^nrlDde cf those c^rr^-rs '^hlcb he opposed aad orer- 
caaie, the pecollectJcE ^f that acute:?es?, sssd cleanress 
•I p€PG%ptioG, that scH^L^drress ef it:dgHie»t, that com- 
jiO?ure &b6 fc-rtit'jde oi m'^^S, whirb cerer forsook 
lifi» on the most try^n^ occ2s:oc5. snd with which fee 
mm, cte diScBltie? of his •^^ arid of the poblic atca- 
tioB^ will be now rtsieoabefed, as at the time ibej 
wjpT^ ack • ie53 a^nsiisble in them- 

i*4^eSj tfcr- -r eo t)yiju eBce». 



WILLIAM BITT. 34l 

" An intention is entertained of a history of Mr. Pitt's 
whole life being given to the public* In the mean 
time I trust I shall be excused in making some very 
short observations respecting him, as few had better, 
perhaps none so frequent, opportunities of forming a 
judgment on the subject in the last two and twenty 
years of his life, during which period, I had the hap- 
piness to possess his affectionate friendship and perfect 
confidence, without the slightest or shortest interrup- 
tion. 

" To those who enjoyed his intimacy I might safely 
refer for the proof of his possessing those private vir- 
tues and endowments, which, though they may some- 
times be accounted foreign to the pubUc character of 
a statesman, the congenial feelings of Englishmen al- 
ways dispose them to regard as the best pledges of a 
minister's upright administration. Around these, in 
the present case an additional lustre has been thrown 
by the circumstances of his death ; by the manner in 
which he met it; and by the composure, the fortitude, 
the resignation, and the religion, which marked his 
last moments. With a manner somewhat reserved and 
distant in what might be termed his public deportment, 
no man was ever better qualified to gain, or more suc- 
cessful in fixing the attachment of his friends, than 
Mr. Pitt. They saw all the full energies of his cha- 
racter softened into the most perfect complacency and 
sweetness of disposition in the circles of private life, 
the pleasures of which no one more cheerfully enjoyed 



* This work whj^h is understood to be from the united pens 
«f Mr. GifFord and Mr. Redhead Ycrke, must necessarily excite 
the highest expectation, 

2 fS 



LtTt OF TBB LATE 

6t flibmdgfeeably f)riDitneted, when the paramount du- 
ties he conceived hiniself to o\Ve the pobhc, admitted 
€)f his mixing in then:i that indignant seventy with 
which he met and subdued unfounded oppositionTj 
that keenness of sarcasm with which he repelled and 
withered (as it might be said) the powers of most of 
Lis assailants fn debate, were exchai^ed in the society 
©f his intimate friends for a kindness of heart, a gen*' 
tlenfess of demeanor, and playfulness of good-humour^ 
\vhich'none ever witnessed without interest, or partici- 
^ted without delight. His mind which, in the grasp 
Btrd extent of its capacity, seized with a quickness al- 
tttost iMu'itii?e, all th^ most important relations of po^ 
litieal power and political economy, was not less un-^ 
commonly susceptible of all the light and elegant in>- 
Jressions which form the great charm of eonversatioa 
0f cultivated minds. 

^* This sensibility to the enjoyments of private friend- 
fiiip greatly enhanced the sacrifice be made of every 
personal comfort to a rigid performance of duty to 
the public ; thai duty, for the last year of bis lifcj was 
indeed of the most laborious and unremitting kind, 
-The strength of his attachment to his sovereign, and 
the ardour of his zeal for the Welfare of his country, 
led him to forego, not only every pleasure and an«use- 
liient, but almost every pause and relaxation of busi- 
ness necessary to the preservatio^^^f healthy till ijfc was 
too latei, m a frame like his, alas ! for the pre^ecva- 
tion of ///<? ! I That life he sacrificed to his ccrfuntry, 
not certainly like another most valuable and illustri- 
ous servant of the public, (whose death has been deeply 
and universally lamented) amidst those animating cir- 
cumstances in which ^he incomparable, h.^ro. pfteaveii- 
6 



WIBIIAM FITT. S43 

tured it ih battle, and at last resigned it for the most 
splendid of all his u-nexampled victories, but with that= 
patriotic self devotedness which looks for a reward only 
in its own consciousness of right. 

*' The praise of virtue, of honour, and of disinte- 
rested pnrity, whether in public or private character, 
need scarcely be claimed for his memory; for those 
his enemies, (if he now has any, whieh I am unwilling 
to believe,- although some are frequently endeavouf- 
ing to depreciate his merits) will not venture to deny ; ; 
and his country in whose cause they were exercised to 
the last, will know how to value and record them. 
That they should be so valued and recorded is impor- 
tant on every principle of justice to the individual, 
and bebefit to the community. To an upright minis- 
ter in Great Britain, zealous for the interest and ho- 
nour of his couutry, there is no reward for profit, emo- 
lutftent, or patronage, which can be esteemed a com- 
pensation for the labours the privations, the anxieties, 
or the dangers of his situation; it is in the approba- 
tion of his sovereign, and in the suffrage of his country- 
then ; added to his own conviction of having done 
^very thing to deserve it, that he must look for that 
feward whiCTpis to console him for all the cares and 
troubles of his station ; the opposition of rivals : the 
feaisrepresentation of enemies ; the desertion or pee- 
vishness of friends; and sometimes the mistaken cen- 
seres of the people. 'Tis the honourabk ambition 
that looks beyond the present time, that must create 
^courage, and support a virtuous and enlightened 
litate&naafe ;— ^that must confer on his mind, the up 
Tightness and purity that rise above all self-^advantage; 
the courage that guards the state from foreign hostility 



S4# LIFE OF THE LATE 

or internal faction ; the firmness that must often resist 
the wishes, to ensure the safety of the people. 

** This is the legitimate ambition of a statesman ; 
and that Mr. Pitt possessed it, his friends are convinc- 
ed ; but he has been sometimes accused (by those who 
although their opposition was active and systematic, 
yet knew how to honour the man) of a less laudable 
and less patriotic ambition, that wished " to reign 
alone,'* to exclude from the participation of office and 
Qf power, other men, whose counsels might have as- 
sisted him to guide the country amidst its difficulties 
and embarrassments, or might have contributed to its 
safety in the hour of its danger. It is, however, per- 
fectly well known to some of the highest characters in 
the kii?gdom, that Mr. Pitt, after the resignation of 
Mr. Addington, in the suimner of J 804, was most 
anxiously desirous that Lord Grenville and Mr. Fox, 
should form a part of the new administration, and 
pressed their admission into office in that quarter, 
where only such earnestness could be effectual ; con- 
ceiving the forming a strong government as important 
to the public welfare, and as calculated to call forth 
the unitf-d talents, as well as the utmost resources of 
the empire : in which endeavor he persisted till within 
a few months of his death. I am aware of the delicacy 
of such a statement, but I am bold in the certainty of 
its truth. My profound respect for those by whom 
such averment, if false, might be contradicted, would 
not suffer me to make it, were it called for, to do jus- 
tice to that great and virtuous statesman whose unri- 
valled quahties, both in private and in public life will 
ever be in my recollection, 

*' Duro memor ipse m«i, dum spiritus hos regit arttts." 



WILLIAM FIfT* 345 

Such- i& ihe petspicnous view afforded by this good 
mmy a«d emi'rient poM<:!iari,^of tl>e taknts and virtues 
©f his departed friend. 

If any thing more be wanting to assert his right to 
the gratitude of a eoentry divided only in speculative 
opinions, or if friendship, shaken by adversity, require 
a solacing contemplation — it may be said, look around 
on that country, yet smihng amid the shock of nations, 
and on the world; si qucsris monnmentum ch^umspice. 
Behold the only land in which those opinions' are free 
—the only state in which a wreck of that pioi^erity, 
which so lately beamed upon ^vhole empires, remains. 

Survey the united kingdom, and doubtless^ much 
will be found to lament in its condition, that might be 
better ; its arts and its agriculture might be advanced^ 
and its manufactures and commerce, unshackled and 
promoted : its labouring orders might be rendered less 
dependant on beneficence, and its middling classes re- 
moved from distress. But look beyond thebounda-' 
ries of that, notwithstanding, highly favoured country, 
and there is nothing that can be worse; instead of a 
condition susceptible of improvement, and firm^on its 
own basis, there is nothing but warfare, and ruin, and 
dismay; kingdoms lately flourishing and powerful, 
are now laid in the dust.— No country knows the name 
by which it will be called on the morrow. — An honest 
and laborious people are coersced into the character of 
a predatory soldiery, beneath whom fall their own 
neighbours and kindred; and even where the shew of 
government is yet imposed, all is anarchy and de- 
struction. 

To the energies of Pitt who will refuse to ascribe 
this pleasing difference in favour of Great Britain? 



S46 LIFE OF THE LATE 

A biographical application of his life cannot perhaps 
be better made than that which has already issued from 
the pen of Mr. Canning. 

ELIJAH'S MANTLE. 

When bj the Almighty's dread command^ 
Elijah, call'd from Israel's land, 

Rose in the sacred flame. 
His Mantle good Elisha caught. 
And with the prophet's spirit fraught, 

Her second hope became. 

In Pitt our Israel saw combin*d 

The patriot's heart — the prophet's mind^ 

Elijah's spirit here ; 
Now, sad reverse \ — that spirit reft. 
No confidence, no hdpe is left ; 

For no Elisha's near. 

Is there among the greedy band. 
Who've seiz'd on power with harpy hand. 

And patriot worth assume. 
One on whom public faith can rest- 
One fit to wear Elijah's vest. 

And cheer the nation's gloom ? 

Grenville, — to aid thy treasury fame, 
A portion of his Mantle claim, 

Pitt's generous ardour feel ; 
•'Bove sorded self resolve to soar, 
Amidst exchequer gold be poor. 

Thy wealth — the public weal. 

Fox,— if on thee some remnant fall. 
The shred may to thy mind recall 

Those hours of loud debate 
When thy unhallow'd lips oft prais'd 
" The glorious fabric'' traitors rais'd 

On Bourbon's fallen state — 

Thy soul let Pitt's example fire. 
With patriot zeal thy tongue inspire. 

Spite of thy Gallic leaven ; 
And teach thee in thy latest day. 
His form of prayer, (if thou can'st pray) 

^^ save my country, Heavtn V* \ 



WItLIAM PITT. 347 

Windham, — if e'er thy sorrows flow 
For private loss, or public woe. 

Thy rigid brow unbend : 
Tears, over Caesar, Brutus shed. 
His hatred warr'd not with the dead — > 

And Piit was once tby friend. 

Does envy bid thee not to mourn ? 
Hold then his Mantle up to scorn. 

His well-eam'd fame assail; 
Of funeral honours rob his corse. 
And at his virtues, till thou i hoarse. 

Like curst Thersites rail. 

Illustrious Roscius of the state, 
Newi)reech'd and harness'd fordebate> 

Thou wonder of thy age 1 ! ! 
Petty or Betty art thou bight 
By Grantasentjo strut thy night 

On Stephen's bustling stnge ? 

Pitt's 'chequer robe will Petty wear? 

Take of his Mantle then a share, - 

'Twill aid thy ways and means ; 
And should fat Jack, and his cabal. 
Cry " rob us the exchequer, Hall'^ • 

'Twill charm away those fiends. 

Sage Palinurus of the realm ] 

By Vincent call'd to take the helm. 

And play a proxy's part ; 
Dost thou a star, or compass know. 
Canst reef uloft — or steer below ? 

Hast conn'd the seaman's chart ? 

No ! from Pitt's Mantle tear a rag, 
Enough to serve thee for a flag. 

And hoist it on thy mast : 
Beneath that sign (our prosperous star) 
Shall future Nelsons rush to war. 

And rival victories past. 

Sidraouth, — though low his head be laid 
Who call'd thee from thy native shade. 

And gave thee second birth ; — : 

Gave thee the sweets of power and place^ 
Xhe tufted rohe — the gilded mace. 

And rear'd thy puny worth ; 



348 £IFE OF THE i-ATE 

Think how his Mantle wrappM thee round ; 
Is one of equal virtues found 

Among thy new compeers ? 
Or can thy cloak of Amiens stuff. 
Once Jaugh'd to scorn l>y blue and bufT, 

•Screen thee from Windham's jeers? 

When faction threaten'd Britain's land. 
Thy new-made friends— a desperate band. 

Like Ahab — stood reprov'd ; 
Pitt's powerful tongue their rage could check 5 
His counsel sav'd, midst general wreck. 

The Israel that he lov'd. 

YeSj honourM shade ! whilst near thy grs-vc 
The letter'd sage, and chieftain brave, 

The votive marble claim ; 
O'er thy cold corse — the public tear 
/Congeal'd, a chrystal shrine shall r^ar 

Unsullied — as thy fame! ! !* 



* It need scarcely be added that this poem alludes to the ad- 
ministration which immediately succeeded the death of M^i Pitt. 



END. 



INDEX. 



ADMINISTRATIONS, lists of, 21, St, t6, 104, 325, 32l 
Appleby, Mr. Pitt elected raember for, 90. 

America, Mr. Pitt's speech on the motion for peacfe with, 32, 50, 
Abuses in public affices discussed^ 87 » 

B 

Burke, Mr. his bill for regulating Ihe civil list, 22; impeaches Mr^ 
Hastings, 15 1 ; opposes Mr. Pitt on the regency, 173, 

Bastile, English, account of, 275. 

Boroughs, rotten, Mr. Pitt's plan for their abolition, 83. 

Bi'.* raphical accounts of Lord Chatham, 10; IVIr. Hastings, 163; 
Xsord Minto, 230 ; Earl Fizwiliiam, 231; Sir Francis Burdetti 
273; Mr. Canning, 321 3 Lord Hawkesbury, 323: Lord El- 
don, 326. 



Chatham, Lord, account of, 10; his retirement, 12 ; his death, 

15 ; character, and inscription to his memory in Guildhall, 15 ; 

his lettet on his resignation, 30. 
Coke, Mr. his motion for anew administration, 71. 
Calais, Mr. Pitt's journey to, 151. 
Custos regni, or lieutenant for the king, description of his office^ 

189. 
Civil list, Mr. Burke's bill for regulating, 22. 
Cambridge, anecdote of Mr. Pitt at, 143. 
Cambridge, University of, subscribes SOOO^i towards a Status to 

the memory of Mr, Pitt, 147. 



^^^. INDEX. 

Death, difference between civil and natural, 193. 

E 
Election, Mr. Pitt's for Appleby, 20 3 election anecdote, 118* 



Fox, Mr. his motion for peace with America, 32; his resignation^ 
49 ; introduces his India Bill, 97 i Mr. Pitt's speech on it, 98 ; 
dismissed from office, 104 ; his attacic on Mr. Pitt, 127 j his 
conduct on his Majesty's indisposition, 169. 

J'unerai of Mr. Pitt, account ol, 334. 



Cjuildball, inscription in, to the memory of the Edrl pf Chatham, 
16. 

H '' • 

liastings, Mr. his impeachm^^nt, 151 4 Mr. Pitt's speech on the 
charges against, 152 ; biographical account of, 163 ; appointed 
governor-general of India, 164. 

Horace, Mr. Hastings's translation of the 16th Ode of, 165. 

I 

India, affairs of, discussed, 97, 102, til, 15^. 

H 

King, the, his illness, 167; Mr. Pitt's conduct on> 168; Mf. 
Pitt's speech on postponing the bringing up of his message, 
106. 



Letter, L^^rd Chatham^ on his resignation, 30. 
Lincoln's Inn, Mr. Pitt entered a student of, 19. 
London, freedom of the city of, presented to Mr. Pitt, 149. 
Letter of Mr. Pilt to the PriDce of Wales, 208. 
Letter ofH. Pt. H. the Prince of Wales, in answer to Mr^ Pitt 
on the regency, 209* 

M 
Mountstuart, Lord, his dispute with Mr, Pitt, 18. 



INDEX. 

o 

OjEceSj Mr. Pitt'a bill for reforming abuses in public, 87^ 



Pitt, William, his birth, 10; account of his family, ib. ; his edu- 
cation, 13 ; goes to the university 14 ; his studies there, l5 3 
his defence of his father, 18 : enters a student in Lincoln's Inn, 
19 ; called to the bar, ib. ; attracts the notice of Lord Mans- 
field, ib. ; elected member for Appleby — description of his 
person at this period, '20 ; his conduct in the house, 2i ; his 
speech on Mr. Burke's civil list bill, 22; his speech on Mr. 
Fox's nmtioti for peace with America, S2 ; on parliamentary 
reform, 38; appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer, 47 ; his 
personal allusion to Mr. Sheridan, 50 ; his speech on the arti- 
cles of peace with America, 49, 53; his opinion of the coali- 
tion of Lord North, Mr. Fox, &c. 54 ; his speech on M. Coke's 
motion for a new administration, 72 ; his motion for a reform 
in parliament, 76 ; his plan for the abolition of rotten boroughs, 
83; his bill for reforming abuses in the public offices, 37 ; op- 
poses Mr. Fox's India bill, 98 ; appointed First Lord of the 
Treasury, and Chancellor of the Exchequer, 104; his speech 
on postponing the bringing up of the king's message, 106; pro- 
duces his bill for the government of India, 111 ; his speech on 
this occnsion, ib. ; his declaration that ministers had not resign- 
ed, 128; his speech on Mr. Fowys's attack on ministers, lil ; 
commencement of his career as efficient minister, 141; a sta- 
tue to his memory subscribed for at Cambridge, 147 ; freedom 
of the city of London granted him, 149; his popularity and 
danger, ib. ; his dangerous trip, to Calais, 151; hirspeeeh oa 
the charges against Mr. Hastings, 152; his conduct on the re- 
gency, 167; produces precedents in opposition to the Prince 
of Wales's right to the regency, 188; his resolutions on the 
subject, 201; his letter to the prince, 208; able discussion of 
the king's illness, 215; his views of the French revolution^ 
229 ; his speech on the king's, message respecting a war wjtli 
France, 2,?3, 251; on the affiliated societies, 257 ; on the ad- 
vance of money to the emperor 277 ; his conduct of tha wav, 
270; singular promptitude in police, ib. ; his reasons for ^ 
change of opinion wiih regay.d to a reform in parliamenr, S12 ;, 
his perseverance a]id strength of mind, 321; dael with Mr. 
Tierney, 325 ; retirement from administration, 325 ; disciplnie 
of the Cinque Port volunteers, 327 ; return to nower, 32vB ; hiS 
illness, 329; death, 33 i ; Funeral, 334; will, 357 ; character, 
338. 
Pretyman, .Dr. private instructor to ?vlr. Pitt, 14. 
Parliamentary Reform, Mr. Pitt's speeches or, 38, 
Powys, Mr. his attack on ministers, 13 L 
Peace with America debates on, 32, 50.. 

2 G.^. 



INDEX. 



Kockingham, Marquis of, his administration, 37 ; liis death, 47. 
Regenc3^ ^^r- Pitt's speeches on the proposed, 167, &c. 
Kottea Boroughs, Mr. Pitt's plan for their abolition, 33. 
Reform, Parliamentary, discussed oQ, 76, 309. 

^ S 

Speech of Mr. Pitt's on Mr. Burke's civil list bill, 2*2 ; oh the 
peace with America, 32 ; parliamentary reform, 38 j on the 
Americ:an peace, 49, 63 ; oii Mr. Coke's motion for a new ad- 
ministration, 72 J for a reform in pailiament, 76 ; on the abuses 
in public ciHces, 87; on Mr. Fox's India Bill, 97 ; on its se- 
cond reading, 102 ; on postponing the bringing up oi the king's 
message, 106; on his motion for leave to bring in bis India 
Bill, 111 ; on the resignation of ministers, 128 ; on Mr. Powys's 
motion, 131; on the charges against Mr. Hastings, 162; on 
the king's illness, and the regency, 167, 17.% 198, ^JO'i, *il5, 
Q23 ; on tlie French revolution, 233, j25* ; seditious practices, 
it.*>7 ; on advancing money without consent of parliament, 277 ; 
against a reform in parliament, 109. 

Sheridan, Mr. his retort on Mr. Pitt, 52. 

Smugglers, Mr. Pitt's exertion to discover, 150. » 



Toraline, W. E. P. his sentiments on the conduct of Mr. Titty 

142. 
Tierney, Mr. his duel with Mr. Pitt, 325. 

'v 

Verses, by Mr. Hasting's, 166 ; Mr. Canning, 321, 348, 

W 

Whipchord, an article of stationary, 94, 

Wales, Prince of, his right of regency supported by ^Ir. Fox, 
169 ; opposed by Mr. Pitt, 170. 



^ifc,, I 



